Skip to Navigation

Author Interviews

The Future of Collective Bargaining: An Interview with Chris Rhomberg

Rohan Mascarenhas, Russell Sage Foundation
April 30, 2012

Detroit strikeChris Rhomberg is the author of The Broken Table: The Detroit Newspaper Strike and the State of American Labor, a riveting analysis of the 1995 Detroit newspaper strike. An associate professor of sociology at Fordham University, Rhomberg studies issues of race, labor, and urban politics in American political development.

Q: By 1995, when the Detroit strike began, the erosion of collective bargaining rights was already firmly established. What drew you to this newspaper strike as opposed to the many other wrenching labor disputes of the 1980s and early 1990s? What did you hope to learn from Detroit?

A: The rise of the current anti-union regime began in the 1980s, but my argument is that such macro-institutional changes do not occur neatly in all places all at once. In the 1990s it was not necessarily clear where things would go next. By that time unions had adopted counter-tactics of community mobilization and striking against unfair labor practices in order to gain some protec-tion against permanent replacement. The National Labor Relations Board became more favorable to unions, under the administration of President Bill Clinton. The labor movement as a whole had begun a progressive revival, symbolized in the October 1995 election of Service Employees International Union president John Sweeney as president of the AFL-CIO.

An Interview with William Marsiglio and Kevin Roy: New Policies to Help Fathers

Rohan Mascarenhas, Russell Sage Foundation
February 14, 2012

Fatherhood-PolicyWilliam Marsiglio (University of Florida) and Kevin Roy (University of Maryland) are the co-authors of Nurturing Dads: Social Initiatives for Contemporary Fatherhood (Russell Sage Foundation, 2012). The book explores the ways new initiatives can address the social, cultural, and economic challenges men face in contemporary families.

Q: Let’s start with your book’s title. You argue that contemporary models often equate “good” fathering with the ability to bring home a weekly paycheck. You say this framework is too narrow and is being redefined. What is the new model you propose?

A: To be clear, for a few decades now, part of the cultural narrative about fatherhood has included references to the “new age father” or the “new father.” Scholars and other commentators of family life have highlighted how fathers are increasingly more active with and nurturing toward their children. Thus we are not the first to call for the public to support men’s nurturance of their children.

But we do, in a fairly comprehensive way, draw attention to the limitations of formal federal and state policies that hinge on fathers’ lack of residence, marriage status, or financial contribution. At the same time, we advocate for a new cultural discourse about fathering that will guide an eclectic yet coordinated set of initiatives to help fathers in all sorts of circumstances become more nurturing and responsive to their children’s everyday needs. The social transformation we seek will ensure that good fathering is widely defined to accentuate nurturance to the same extent, perhaps more so, than financial support. We stress diverse initiatives to forge unconditional, positive bonds between fathers and their children.

An Interview with Julia Ott: The Rise of Mass Investment in America

Rohan Mascarenhas, Russell Sage Foundation
February 13, 2012

Julia Ott and Wall StreetJulia Ott is an assistant professor of history at the New School. A former RSF Visiting Scholar, Ott is also the author of When Wall Street Met Main Street: The Quest for an Investor's Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2011), which chronicles the initial phase of mass investment at the turn of the 20th century and the issues surrounding it.

Q: Your book starts at the turn of the 20th century, when less than 1 percent of Americans owned stocks or bonds (compared to 50 percent of households in 2007). What was prevailing sentiment about financial securities and markets in that era?

A: No question about it – the prevailing sentiment was negative.

Since the nation’s founding, Americans for the most part had viewed financial securities, the individuals who traded bonds and stocks, and the private associations (like the New York Stock Exchange) that administered securities exchanges as antithetical to their most cherished economic ideals, political values, and savings practices. Popular economic thought held that economic value derived from diligent labor and steadfast thrift—qualities utterly absent in the scuffle of the stock exchanges’ trading floors. American political culture identified ownership and control of real property as the foundation of a citizen’s virtue and independence, of his investment in the nation. Bonds, stocks, and the malefactors who traded them seemed to imperil this ideal of proprietary democracy. The lure of speculative riches subverted the work ethic; it diverted capital from productive pursuits.

At the start of the twentieth century, financial securities and markets played a very limited role in the way in which most Americans saved money and most firms acquired funds. Most people considered the stock and bond markets to be insiders’ games, rigged against investors of modest means who lacked access to adequate information about the corporations whose securities they might purchase. And because New York City banks (which held the reserves of other banks across the nation) loaned money to securities brokers (these brokers’ loans paid a high rate of interested and could be called in at any time), stock market declines produced terrible consequences for the financial system.

Take the Panic of 1907 as one example. In October, an unsuccessful attempt to corner the market in the stock of the United Copper Company ended in the failure of participating brokerages. Frightened depositors clamored to recover their savings from banks associated with the scheme. The resulting collapse of the third-largest trust company in New York City wreaked havoc. Faith in financial institutions evaporated; even depositors at sound banks and trusts lined up to withdraw their money. Depositors’ demands forced regional banks to call in their reserves from the New York City banks. These, in turn, demanded the repayment of loans made to brokers, who sold stock to pay those banks. The stock market plummeted and credit markets froze, driving all kinds of borrowers into bankruptcy. With no central bank to step in, it fell to J. P. Morgan to stem the crisis. Americans weren’t particularly thrilled to discover just how much financial stability depended upon one man.

Examining Okun's Law: An Interview with RSF Author Arne Kalleberg

Rohan Mascarenhas, Russell Sage Foundation
September 23, 2011

In recent weeks, the national debate has turned once again to the country’s persistently high unemployment rate, which remains above 9 percent. Policymakers have offered competing proposals that seek to stimulate spending through tax cuts and more public investments. But what exactly is the relationship between economic growth and the number of jobs in the American economy? Does a more productive economy consistently produce more and better work?

Syndicate content