![]() |
Executive Summary: “Inequality and Health: Long-Run Evidence from a Panel of Countries” by Christopher Jencks and Andre LeighIs
mortality higher in countries that are more unequal? Leigh and Jencks draw on
tax data for changes in top income shares, which have been shown to proxy
changes in other inequality measures, to investigate the relationship between
inequality, life expectancy, and infant mortality, They examine data on the
richest 10 percent of the population in Australia, Canada, France, Ireland, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, Switzerland, the UK, and the US between 1905-2002. While previous studies have focused on the relationship
between inequality and health at a single point in time, Leigh and Jencks’ work
offers a view of this relationship over
time. They are thus able to control for both country- and year-specific effects
which often include such common unobservables as wars, technological
innovations that diffuse rapidly, such as measles and polio vaccines, and major
epidemics such as influenza and HIV/AIDS. When country- or year-fixed effects
are overlooked, for both life expectancy and infant mortality, Leigh and Jencks
find that a rise in inequality is associated with a statistically significant
rise in mortality. However, when these effects are included in the analysis,
the relationship between inequality and health becomes insignificant for both
life expectancy and infant mortality. Leigh and Jencks therefore conclude that
the relationship between inequality and mortality may be driven by unobserved
factors affecting both inequality and health, rather than being a causal
relationship. In other words, while there may be some consensus that there is a
positive correlation between income and health, there is less agreement over
the relationship between income
inequality and health. If inequality affects health by affecting public
spending on healthcare or by weakening the social fabric, for instance, these
effects would likely take some years to show up in mortality statistics. Leigh
and Jencks’ 97-year survey, however, does not corroborate this suspicion.
Though higher GDP is associated with better health outcomes, and this effect
declines as GDP rises, holding country or year-fixed effects constant renders
this relationship statistically insignificant. It appears that neither the
‘absolute income hypothesis’ nor the ‘relative income hypothesis’ captures the
channels through which inequality affects health. In the former, health depends
solely on individual income, where marginal health gains from an extra dollar
of income diminish as income rises. Transfers from a richer individual to a
poorer individual would therefore raise the health of the poor more than it
would lower the health of the rich. Yet Leigh and Jencks do not find that more
equal societies as such have better health, holding average income constant. In
the latter, however, inequality has an indirect impact on health, on top of
income. These include increased crime, reduced social capital, and public
spending on healthcare, and what scholars have termed ‘relative depravation,’
wherein individuals’ comparisons with more affluent members of their cohort engender
a loss of self-esteem and increased stress which in turn negatively affects
health. Leigh and Jencks point out that the problem in
assessing these channels is that data on inequality and health often only exist
in aggregate. It is extremely difficult to distinguish between the impact of
so-called absolute income and relative income. Moreover, since sicker
individuals are less likely to work, countries with lower health standards may
have more unequal family incomes. The causal relationship between inequality
and health can therefore run either from health to inequality as well as from
inequality to health. Leigh and Jencks conclude that perhaps the underlying
relationship between inequality and health is either non-existent or too
fragile as to show up in a specification such as theirs, which would be
consistent with a number of other careful cross-country analyses by Judge,
Mulligan, and Benzeval and Deaton and Paxson.
|
||||||
Russell Sage Foundation 112 East 64th Street New York, NY 10065
|