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Executive Sumamry: "Unequal at the Starting Line: Creating Participatory Inequalities across Generations and Among Groups" by Nancy Burns, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Sidney VerbaAdult Americans are quite unequal in
occupation and income; that is hardly news. Furthermore, they are not equal at
the starting line; parents are able to pass on class status to their offspring
and, thus, socio-economic stratification persists from generation to
generation. Though the transmission of socio-economic status from parent to
child is far from perfect, transmission of socio-economic advantage across
generations results in persistent class differences that have roots in the
past. In
this paper we consider inequalities in political participation. We are
particularly interested in group inequalities
in political activity. Political competition usually involves contention
between groups and the outcomes usually impose costs and confer benefits on
groups. It matters not only whether individual inequalities in participation
are passed from generation to generation, but whether intergenerational
processes result in participatory inequalities across politically-relevant categories of individuals. Thus, we focus on
the roots of group differences in political participation in the legacy of the
past. In considering how participatory inequalities among groups are shaped
across generations, we consider three bases of political contestation—perhaps, the
most significant bases of
contestation in America—class, race or ethnicity, and gender. We ask: to what
extent are class, racial or ethnic, and gender differences in political
activity the result of where group members were early in life? We find that the
participatory differences among racial and ethnic groups can be fully explained—and
the participation gap between men and women can be partially explained—by group
differences in socio-economic status (SES). Our
analysis shows that processes by which initial class background influences
subsequent political activity operate across individuals regardless of their other demographic characteristics. When
we explored how these processes intersect with participatory inequalities among groups—between women and men and among
African Americans, Latinos, and Anglo Whites—we found a complex and interesting
pattern. The intergenerational transmission of educational advantage plays a
very different role in the creation of disparities in activity between groups
defined by their gender than in the creation of participatory differences among
groups defined by race or ethnicity. The gender gap in political participation
is not a function of initial class differences. Men and women are born randomly
into families across the SES spectrum. That men’s average levels of educational
attainment have traditionally surpassed women’s reflects social processes and
individual choices during childhood and adolescence—rather than any systematic
difference in parents’ education. In sharp contrast, group differences in
parent socio-economic characteristics figure importantly in explaining
participatory inequalities among Anglo Whites, Blacks, and Latinos. Class
background plays a role from the beginning in the family of origin. For African
Americans and Latinos, the deficit in participation is handed down from generation
to generation; for women, it is created anew throughout the life cycle.
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