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Executive Summary: “Partisan Politics and the U.S. Income Distribution” by Larry Bartels Census
Bureau data reveal striking differences in patterns of real pre-tax
income growth under Democratic and Republican presidents in the U.S.
over the past half-century. Democratic
presidents have produced slightly more income growth for poor families
than for rich families, while Republican presidents have produced a
great deal more income growth for rich families than for poor families. As
a result, families at the 95th percentile of the income distribution
have experienced identical average income growth under Democratic and
Republican presidents, while those at the 20th percentile have
experienced more than four times as much income growth under Democrats
as they have under Republicans. I
report a variety of analyses suggesting that these partisan differences
in income growth are too consistent to be merely coincidental. For
example, I show that inequality increased under each of five Republican
presidents in the post-war period, while four of five Democratic
presidents (all except Jimmy Carter in the midst of the late 1970s oil
shock) presided over declines in income inequality. I
also show that the partisan differences persist if we assume that each
party’s policies take effect immediately upon inauguration or with a
one-year lag, whether or not we control for persistence in growth rates
using linear or non-linear trend terms or lagged growth measures, and
whether or not we include election years or presidential transition
years. For
the post-war period as a whole, partisan differences in patterns of
income growth are attributable to marked partisan differences in
prevailing levels of unemployment (which has been 30 percent lower
under Democratic presidents, on average) and GDP growth (which has been
30 percent higher under Democratic presidents, on average). Since
unemployment and GDP growth both have much stronger effects on income
growth for lower- and middle-income families than for upper-income
families, the former are much more sensitive than the latter to
partisan differences in macroeconomic performance. Partisan
differences in pre-tax income growth appear to have declined since
1980, perhaps because the Federal Reserve Board and global financial
markets have reduced the ability of presidents to pursue partisan
macroeconomic agendas. However, similar
partisan differences appear in the distribution of post-tax income
growth since 1980, suggesting that tax and transfer policies (for
example, the expanded Earned Income Tax Credit under Bill Clinton and
massive upper-class tax cuts under George W. Bush) continue to provide
considerable scope for partisan differences in the targeting of income
growth by income class.
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