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Executive Summary: “Inequality in Life and Death: What Drives Racial Trends in U.S. Child Death Rates?” by Janet Currie and V. Joseph HotzHealth is one of the most fundamental aspects
of well-being, and there are well-known inequalities in health status in the
United States, especially between African Americans and others. This
paper focuses on the trends in and determinants of child death rates in the
U.S. over the period 1980 to 1998. Annual death rates of children 0 to19
fell sharply from117.6 deaths per 100,000 in 1980 to 71.0 per 100,000 in
1998. But although the gap in overall death rates between black and
non-black children narrowed over the same interval, the gap was still sizeable
in 1998. For example, as of 1998, black children were still twice as
likely to die from unintentional injuries as white children. Furthermore,
this pattern of narrowing gaps did not hold across all causes of death. Among
young children, the black-white gap in deaths rates due to auto accidents
actually increased and, for almost all ages, the racial gap in deaths due to
intentional injuries, including those involving firearms, increased over this
period. We extend the previous
literature on childhood death rates in three ways. First, we look at how
trends differ across causes of death, ages of children, and race. Second, our
paper examines a variety of different hypotheses about determinants of these
trends that have been identified in the literature, and assesses the robustness
of their estimated effects to the inclusion various controls including state
fixed effects and state-specific trends. Our third, and most
innovative contribution is to ask whether the remaining unexplained variation
in child mortality rates is primarily affected by child-specific factors, or
whether trends can be explained by improvements in factors that also drive
death rates among adults. For example, safer cars might be expected to benefit
both adults and children, while the use of car seats would primarily affect
young children. In order to address this question, we construct
regression-adjusted death rates for 24 to 45 years old men, where the
regression adjustments net out the effects of our measures of income,
socioeconomic status and medical access. These “residual” measures of adult
male death rates capture changes in medical technology, product
safety/regulation, or health practices that affect both adults and children
within a state, year, and race group. We find that income and
other measures of socio-economic status such as maternal education and
employment are often important predictors of death rates and that inequality in
levels of these variables can explain much of the gap in death rates for some
ages and causes of death. However, it is more difficult to explain trends in
death rates over time, or to explain the narrowing or broadening of the gap
between black and non-black death rates with these measures. In contrast,
changes in the “male residuals” can explain much of the change in the gaps
between black and non-black death rates. This finding suggests that the gap
between black and non-black overall death rates narrowed because of factors
that affected adults as well as children, rather than solely because of
factors impacting black and non-black children.
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