Findings: Tracing Effects in Non-Metropolitan Counties of the 2017 Federal Health Policy Changes; Katherine Swartz, Theda Skocpol, and Mary Waters, Harvard University
In 1992, AT&T announced it would replace up to one-third of its 18,000 long-distance operators with speech recognition software that could process only four phrases: person-to-person, collect, yes, and no. It was used for only three operations: to determine whether a long-distance call was person-to-person, whether it was collect and whether the recipient of a collect, long distance call would accept the call’s charges. Nonetheless, the software created significant job displacement.

Weathering Katrina
About This Book
“Weathering Katrina is a very thoughtful and elegantly executed monograph by a master of the craft. It is social science at its best.”
— Kai Erikson, William R. Kenan, Jr. Professor Emeritus of Sociology and American Studies, Yale University
“Mark VanLandingham’s book, Weathering Katrina, tells a fascinating story of how the Vietnamese community in New Orleans East survived a major natural disaster and thrived afterward. It makes a significant contribution to the literature on disasters, community resilience, and ethnic culture.”
—Min Zhou, professor of sociology and Asian American studies, University of California, Los Angeles
In 2005, Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans. The principal Vietnamese-American enclave was a remote, low-income area that flooded badly. Many residents arrived decades earlier as refugees from the Vietnam War and were marginally fluent in English. Yet, despite these poor odds of success, the Vietnamese made a surprisingly strong comeback in the wake of the flood. In Weathering Katrina, public health scholar Mark VanLandingham analyzes their path to recovery, and examines the extent to which culture helped them cope during this crisis.
Contrasting his longitudinal survey data and qualitative interviews of Vietnamese residents with the work of other research teams, VanLandingham finds that on the principal measures of disaster recovery—housing stability, economic stability, health, and social adaptation—the Vietnamese community fared better than other communities. By Katrina’s one-year anniversary, almost 90 percent of the Vietnamese had returned to their neighborhood, higher than the rate of return for either blacks or whites. They also showed much lower rates of post-traumatic stress disorder than other groups. And by the second year after the flood, the employment rate for the Vietnamese had returned to its pre-Katrina level.
While some commentators initially attributed this resilience to fairly simple explanations such as strong leadership or to a set of vague cultural strengths characteristic of the Vietnamese and other “model minorities”, VanLandingham shows that in fact it was a broad set of factors that fostered their rapid recovery. Many of these factors had little to do with culture. First, these immigrants were highly selected—those who settled in New Orleans enjoyed higher human capital than those who stayed in Vietnam. Also, as a small, tightly knit community, the New Orleans Vietnamese could efficiently pass on information about job leads, business prospects, and other opportunities to one another. Finally, they had access to a number of special programs that were intended to facilitate recovery among immigrants, and enjoyed a positive social image both in New Orleans and across the U.S., which motivated many people and charities to offer the community additional resources. But culture—which VanLandingham is careful to define and delimit—was important, too. A shared history of overcoming previous challenges—and a powerful set of narratives that describe these successes; a shared set of perspectives or frames for interpreting events; and a shared sense of symbolic boundaries that distinguish them from broader society are important elements of culture that provided the Vietnamese with some strong advantages in the post-Katrina environment.
By carefully defining and disentangling the elements that enabled the swift recovery of the Vietnamese in New Orleans, Weathering Katrina enriches our understanding of this understudied immigrant community and of why some groups fare better than others after a major catastrophe like Katrina.
MARK J. VANLANDINGHAM is the Thomas C. Keller Professor at the Tulane University School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine.
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Supplemental Security Income (SSI) provides cash payments to 1.3 million low-income families with disabled children. Each year, 50,000 SSI children turn 18 and must re-qualify for benefits based on adult medical criteria. Nearly 40% of SSI children and 70% of those with mental and behavioral conditions fail to re-qualify at age 18, losing the $9,000/year cash benefit and Medicaid eligibility. Safety net programs, such as SSI, can affect the human capital development of recipients through various channels.
In a political climate marked by calls to ban Muslims from entering the country, tensions between non-Muslim and Muslim Arab Americans have intensified. How does this environment affect relationships between Muslim Arabs and other Americans? Can prejudice between the groups be reduced? And finally, can such reactions have long-lasting effects?
Disparities in financial wellbeing and access to credit mean that the poor, compared to the non-poor, are more likely to borrow at higher interest rates and use higher-interest credit products such as payday loans. They are also more likely to be liquidity-constrained, have limited access to formal credit, have bills designated for third-party collection, and be categorized as high-risk or sub-prime borrowers.
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly Food Stamps) enrolled nearly 20% of all households in 2014, including a substantial number of families in the lower half of the income distribution. If SNAP benefits were considered income, they would remove nearly four million Americans, including nearly two million children, from poverty. Despite its importance in the safety net, however, much remains unknown about its effects on overall food spending and the quality of a family’s diet.
The rise in economic inequality over the past decades in both the U.S. and many other developed countries has received considerable attention from policymakers, scholars and the public. Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman contend that despite this attention, there are three limitations in the measurement of income inequalities. First, there is a large gap between national accounts (which focus on economic aggregates and macro-economic growth) and inequality studies (which focus on distributions using survey and tax data).
To what extent has the rise in economic inequality over the past 40 years has affected social mobility? The stronger the economic relationship between parents and children, the more likely it is that children from affluent families will achieve greater economic success than children from more disadvantaged families. Yet, we know relatively little about the channels by which the transmission of advantage occurs.
Since the 1970s, the U.S. economy has witnessed a dramatic rise in income inequality, with much attention focused on the top one percent of earners and the explosion in executive pay. Recent research has focused on the role that firms and industries play in rising earnings inequality. For example, much of the increase in wage inequality from 1970 to 2012 can be attributed to disparities in average pay across, rather than within, companies. This raises the question of why inequality has risen so much between companies.
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