Did America’s democratic convictions “change forever” after the terrorist attacks of September 11? In the wake of 9/11, many pundits predicted that Americans’ new and profound anxiety would usher in an era of political acquiescence. Fear, it was claimed, would drive the public to rally around the president and tolerate diminished civil liberties in exchange for security. Political scientist Darren Davis challenges this conventional wisdom in Negative Liberty, revealing a surprising story of how September 11 affected Americans’ views on civil liberties and security.

Drawing on a unique series of original public opinion surveys conducted in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and over the subsequent three years, Negative Liberty documents the rapid shifts in Americans’ opinions regarding the tradeoff between liberty and security, at a time when the threat of terrorism made the conflict between these values particularly stark. Theories on the psychology of threat predicted that people would cope with threats by focusing on survival and reaffirming their loyalty to their communities, and indeed, Davis found that Americans were initially supportive of government efforts to prevent terrorist attacks by rolling back certain civil liberties. Democrats and independents under a heightened sense of threat became more conservative after 9/11, and trust in government reached its highest level since the Kennedy administration. But while ideological divisions were initially muted, this silence did not represent capitulation on the part of civil libertarians. Subsequent surveys in the years after the attacks revealed that, while citizens’ perceptions of threat remained acute, trust in the government declined dramatically in response to the perceived failures of the administration’s foreign and domestic security policies. Indeed, those Americans who reported the greatest anxiety about terrorism were the most likely to lose confidence in the government in the years after 2001. As a result, ideological unity proved short lived, and support for civil liberties revived among the public. Negative Liberty demonstrates that, in the absence of faith in government, even extreme threats to national security are not enough to persuade Americans to concede their civil liberties permanently.

The September 11 attacks created an unprecedented conflict between liberty and security, testing Americans’ devotion to democratic norms. Through lucid analysis of concrete survey data, Negative Liberty sheds light on how citizens of a democracy balance these competing values in a time of crisis.
 
DARREN W. DAVIS is professor of political science at Michigan State University.

Since 1948, when pollsters unanimously forecast a Dewey victory over Truman, media-sponsored polls have proliferated, accompanied by a growing unease about their accuracy. Pre-Election Polling probes the results of over 430 recent polls and taps the professional “lore” of experienced pollsters to offer a major new assessment of polling practices in the 1980s.

In a study of unusual scope and depth, Crespi examines the accuracy of polls conducted before a range of elections, from presidential to local. He incorporates the previously unpublished observations and reflections of pollsters representing national organizations (including Gallup, Roper, and the CBS/New York Times Poll) as well as pollsters from state, academic, and private organizations. Crespi finds potential sources of polling error in such areas as sampling, question wording, anticipating turnout, and accounting for last-minute changes in preference. To these methodological correlates of accuracy he adds important political considerations—is it a primary or general election; what office is being contested; how well known are the candidates; how crystallized are voter attitudes?

Polls have become a vital feature of our political process; by exploring their strengths and weaknesses, Pre-Election Polling enhances our ability to predict and understand the complexities of voting behavior.

"Combines intelligent empirical analysis with an informed insider's interpretation of the dynamics of the survey research process....Should be studied not only by all practitioners and students of opinion research but by anyone who makes use of polls." —Leo Bogart, Newspaper Advertising Bureau, Inc.

IRVING CRESPI heads Irving Crespi & Associates in Princeton, consultants in opinion and consumer research. He has taught at City University of New York/Bernard M. Baruch College, State University of New York/Harpur College, and Rutgers University.

“It is past time to take stock of the costs and benefits of, and the alternatives to, the most important post-9/11 changes in the practices of Western nations to deal with terrorism. Under the leadership of one of our most distinguished experts in terrorism, Professor Martha Crenshaw, a set of scholars has produced a book that does review the changed policies and practices with the breadth of coverage and depth of examination of major decisions the subject demands. There is much to be learned from The Consequences of Counterterrorism in terms of assessment of the successes and failures and unexplored costs of our past efforts.”
–Philip B. Heymann, Harvard Law School

“Sweeping statutory and institutional alterations mark liberal democratic responses to terrorism post-9/11. The political and legal costs of these provisions, however, have gone virtually unnoticed in the political science literature. The Consequences of Counterterrorism fills this vacuum, surveying an impressive array of countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and North America. With ground-breaking research, the volume is a must-read for anyone seeking to better understand the effects of counterterrorist law.”
–Laura Donohue,  Georgetown Law School

“Martha Crenshaw has assembled a first-rate team of international scholars to assess the effects on democratic governance of the counterterrorism measures adopted by Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Israel, and Japan. The result is an excellent and essential volume for all those concerned with the rule of law, the protection of civil liberties, and more generally, the striking of the right balance between protecting democracies from terrorists, on the one hand, and preserving the foundations of democracy, on the other.”
–Robert J. Art, Brandeis University

The 9/11 terrorist attacks opened America’s eyes to a frightening world of enemies surrounding us. But have our eyes opened wide enough to see how our experiences compare with other nations’ efforts to confront and prevent terrorism? Other democracies have long histories of confronting both international and domestic terrorism. Some have undertaken progressively more stringent counterterrorist measures in the name of national security and the safety of citizens. The Consequences of Counterterrorism examines the political costs and challenges democratic governments face in confronting terrorism.

Using historical and comparative perspectives, The Consequences of Counterterrorism presents thematic analyses as well as case studies of Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Japan, and Israel. Contributor John Finn compares post-9/11 antiterrorism legislation in the United States, Europe, Canada, and India to demonstrate the effects of hastily drawn policies on civil liberties and constitutional norms. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Jean-Luc Marret assert that terrorist designation lists are more widespread internationally than ever before. The authors examine why governments and international organizations use such lists, how they work, and why they are ineffective tools. Gallya Lahav shows how immigration policy has become inextricably linked to security in the EU and compares the European fear of internal threats to the American fear of external ones.

A chapter by Dirk Haubrich explains variation in the British government’s willingness to compromise democratic principles according to different threats. In his look at Spain and Northern Ireland, Rogelio Alonso asserts that restricting the rights of those who perpetrate ethnonationalist violence may be acceptable in order to protect the rights of citizens who are victims of such violence. Jeremy Shapiro considers how the French response to terrorist threats has become more coercive during the last fifty years. Israel’s “war model” of counterterrorism has failed, Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger argue, and is largely the result of the military elite’s influence on state institutions. Giovanni Cappocia explains how Germany has protected basic norms and institutions. In contrast, David Leheny stresses the significance of change in Japan’s policies.

Preventing and countering terrorism is now a key policy priority for many liberal democratic states. As The Consequences of Counterterrorism makes clear, counterterrorist policies have the potential to undermine the democratic principles, institutions, and processes they seek to preserve.

MARTHA CRENSHAW is senior fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation and Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University, and a professor of political science by courtesy, as well as professor of government, emerita, at Wesleyan University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Rogelio Alonso, Giovanni Capoccia, Martha Crenshaw, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, John E. Finn, Dirk Haubrich, Gallya Lahav, David Leheny, Jean-Luc Marret, Ami Pedahzur, Arie Perliger, and Jeremy Shapiro.

"It is uncontested that cooperation varies with the ambient level of trust. What is less widely appreciated is that a great deal of cooperation is explained not by the generalized level of trust but by the bilateral efforts of the parties to a contract who perceive that their mutual interests will be served by crafting cost-effective mechanisms in support of ongoing relations. Such intentional efforts to support cooperation are referred to as 'credible commitments' by economists and as an 'encapsulated interest in trust' by the authors of this book. Because, moreover, these supports are provided in cost-effective degree, they will vary predictably among transactions, depending on the needs. Karen S. Cook, Russell Hardin, and Margaret Levi demonstrate that such an approach to cooperation deepens our understanding of ongoing relations across a wide variety of social science phenomena. This book should be, and I am confident will be, widely read."
-OLIVER E. WILLIAMSON, Professor of the Graduate School and Edgar F. Kaiser Professor Emeritus of Business, Economics, and Law, Walter A. Haas School of Business, University of California, Berkeley

"Over the last decade, Professors Cook, Levi, and Hardin have masterminded one of the most productive collective scholarly endeavors in recent decades, exploring the contours and consequences of trust and trustworthiness in our collective lives. In this magisterial volume, they synthesize these contributions into a coherent and comprehensive account of this central concept. All subsequent investigations of trust will need to come to grips with this work, and all of us are in their debt."
-ROBERT D. PUTNAM, professor of public policy, Harvard University

"Is trust the central pillar of social order? Karen S. Cook, Russell Hardin, and Margaret Levi respond in the negative. They argue that effective and reliable institutions are the essential foundations of contemporary complex societies rather than interpersonal trust. Their analysis is worth a careful reading by all scholars and citizens concerned with the sustainability of modern societies."
-ELINOR OSTROM, Arthur F. Bentley Professor of Government, Indiana University

"Cooperation Without Trust? makes the provocative case that 'trust' is overrated. Working from a well-articulated definition of trust as a property of interpersonal relations, the authors challenge the notion that coordinating activities within complex societies requires high levels of trust and, indeed, suggest that, under certain circumstances, interpersonal trust can hinder large-scale coordination. They illustrate their points across a range of empirical settings, describing many modes of informal and institutional coordination that, they argue, make interpersonal trust increasingly expendable. This is a book of great clarity, imagination, and scope, speaking to scholars in fields as diverse as institutional economics, political organization, and social control. It belongs on a small shelf of essential readings on the classic question of social order in complex societies."
-PAUL DIMAGGIO, professor of sociology, Princeton University

Some social theorists claim that trust is necessary for the smooth functioning of a democratic society. Yet many recent surveys suggest that trust is on the wane in the United States. Does this foreshadow trouble for the nation? In Cooperation Without Trust? Karen Cook, Russell Hardin, and Margaret Levi argue that a society can function well in the absence of trust. Though trust is a useful element in many kinds of relationships, they contend that mutually beneficial cooperative relationships can take place without it.

Cooperation Without Trust? employs a wide range of examples illustrating how parties use mechanisms other than trust to secure cooperation. Concerns about one’s reputation, for example, could keep a person in a small community from breaching agreements. State enforcement of contracts ensures that business partners need not trust one another in order to trade. Similarly, monitoring worker behavior permits an employer to vest great responsibility in an employee without necessarily trusting that person. Cook, Hardin, and Levi discuss other mechanisms for facilitating cooperation absent trust, such as the self-regulation of professional societies, management compensation schemes, and social capital networks. In fact, the authors argue that a lack of trust—or even outright distrust—may in many circumstances be more beneficial in creating cooperation. Lack of trust motivates people to reduce risks and establish institutions that promote cooperation. A stout distrust of government prompted America’s founding fathers to establish a system in which leaders are highly accountable to their constituents, and in which checks and balances keep the behavior of government officials in line with the public will. Such institutional mechanisms are generally more dependable in securing cooperation than simple faith in the trustworthiness of others.

Cooperation Without Trust? suggests that trust may be a complement to governing institutions, not a substitute for them. Whether or not the decline in trust documented by social surveys actually indicates an erosion of trust in everyday situations, this book argues that society is not in peril. Even if we were a less trusting society, that would not mean we are a less functional one.

KAREN S. COOK is the Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology and senior associate dean of social sciences at Stanford University.

RUSSELL HARDIN is professor of politics at New York University.

MARGARET LEVI is Jere L. Bacharach Professor of International Studies in the Department of Political Science, University of Washington, Seattle.

A Volume in the Russell Sage Foundation Series on Trust
 

“This collection of essays from diverse scholars will become a standard reference book for those interested in the conditions generating trust and the effects of trust in interpersonal relations, groups, networks, organizations, and institutional systems. Taken together, the essays provide new explanatory insights on the properties and dynamics of trust at the micro, meso, and macro levels of social reality. Theoretical insights are illustrated with data collected by a range of methodologies and in a wide range of settings. Whom Can We Trust? is a book that will appeal to researchers and theorists within academia, but equally significant, it is a book that will prove useful to policy makers and applied social scientists dealing with real-world problems. Thus, for anyone interested in the mechanisms underpinning social relations and patterns of social organization, this book is a ‘must-read.’”
—Jonathan H. Turner, University of California, Riverside

“Whom Can We Trust? continues the highly successful Russell Sage Foundation series of volumes on trust. The central contribution of this volume is an examination of the factors facilitating trust-based cooperation. The chapters draw upon both laboratory and field research findings to provide a rich set of insights into the variety of social and institutional frameworks through which groups, organizations, and societies enable people to act based upon trust in others. This volume is relevant to everyone interested in the concept of trust but will be especially valuable to those whose focus is upon how to encourage cooperation in social settings.”
—Tom R. Tyler, New York University

Conventional wisdom holds that trust is essential for cooperation between individuals and institutions—such as community organizations, banks, and local governments. Not necessarily so, according to editors Karen Cook, Margaret Levi, and Russell Hardin. Cooperation thrives under a variety of circum-stances. Whom Can We Trust? examines the conditions that promote or constrain trust and advances our understanding of how cooperation really works.

From interpersonal and intergroup relations to large-scale organizations, Whom Can We Trust? uses empirical research to show that the need for trust and trustworthiness as prerequisites to cooperation varies widely. Part I addresses the sources of group-based trust. One chapter focuses on the assumption—versus the reality—of trust among coethnics in Uganda. Another examines the effects of social-network position on trust and trustworthiness in urban Ghana and rural Kenya. And a third demonstrates how cooperation evolves in groups where reciprocity is the social norm. Part II asks whether there is a causal relationship between institutions and feelings of trust in individuals. What does—and doesn’t—promote trust between doctors and patients in a managed-care setting? How do poverty and mistrust figure into the relations between inner city residents and their local leaders? Part III reveals how institutions and networks create environments for trust and cooperation. Chapters in this section look at trust as credit-worthiness and the history of borrowing and lending in the Anglo-American commercial world; the influence of the perceived legitimacy of local courts in the Philippines on the trust relations between citizens and the government; and the key role of skepticism, not necessarily trust, in a well-developed democratic society.

Whom Can We Trust? unravels the intertwined functions of trust and cooperation in diverse cultural, economic, and social settings. The book provides a bold new way of thinking about how trust develops, the real limitations of trust, and when trust may not even be necessary for forging cooperation.

KAREN S. COOK is Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology and the current chair of the sociology department at Stanford University.

MARGARET LEVI is Jere L. Bacharach Professor of International Studies in the Department of Political Science at the University of Washington, Seattle.

RUSSELL HARDIN is professor of politics at New York University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Abigail Barr, Bruce G. Carruthers,  Matthew R. Cleary,  Jean Enminger,  Henry Farrell,  Margaret Foddy,  Corina Graif,  James Habyarimana,  Philip T. Hoffman, Macartan Humphreys, Jeffrey C. Johnson,  Roderick Kramer,  Stefanie Mullborn,  Gabriella R. Montinola,  Elinor Ostrom,  Daniel N. Posner,  Gilles Postel-Vinay,  Jean-Laureant Rosenthal,  Robert J. Sampson,  Irena Stepanikova,  Susan C. Stokes,  David Thom,  James Walker,  Jeremy M. Weinstein,  Toshio Yamagishi.

A Volume in the Russell Sage Foundation Series on Trust

Presents the first nationwide profile of black Americans (over 3,500) who now hold elective governmental office. The book is based upon a questionnaire survey of black elected officials together with a comparison survey of white men and women elected to similar types of offices in the same geographical region. The inclusion of extensive quotations from interviews with thirty-four black elected officials adds realism, depth, and insight to the quantitative analysis. The authors interrelate fresh and meaningful information on the political ideologies and motivations of black officials, their perceived political impacts, and expectations for the future.

JAMES E. CONYERS is professor of sociology at Indiana State University.

WALTER L. WALLACE is professor of sociology at Princeton University.