Krista M. Perreira, a health economist at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, studies disparities in health, education, and economic well-being and inter-relationships between family, health and social policy. A former Visiting Scholar, Perreira received support from the Russell Sage Foundation to study the acculturation experiences of Latino adolescents in North Carolina. Below, she presents her main findings and a reading list for more information.
Between 1990 and 2010, North Carolina had one of the country’s fastest growing Latino populations in the United States and exemplified a new demographic trend – the settlement of Latino populations in the Southeast. Today, over 800,000 Latinos reside in North Carolina. Hispanics now comprise 8.4% of the state’s total population and 12% of the child population ages 0-19.
Nationally, Passel (2011) estimates that 60% of Hispanic children are children of immigrants with at least one immigrant parent—9% are first-generation immigrants born abroad; 51% are second generation immigrants born in the U.S. to at least one immigrant parent; and 40% are U.S.-born children with U.S.-born parents in the third generation and beyond. The composition of Hispanic children in North Carolina is no different.
The influx of Hispanic children, especially the children of immigrants, into the U.S. can profoundly affect states’ health, educational, and political systems. Health care providers, educators, and community leaders must learn about these children’s needs and capabilities. Then, they must develop the resources to facilitate their adaptation to life in the United States. A failure to do so can undermine the economic future of the US by igniting a downward assimilation process which can result in a permanently disadvantaged and disenfranchised minority population. Thus, the health, academic, and civic adaptation of Hispanic children of immigrants has become a major public policy concern.
Initiated in the 2004-05 and 2006-07 academic years respectively, the Latino, Migration, Health, and Adaption (LAMHA) Study and the Southern Immigrant Academic and Civic Adaptation Studies (SIAA and SICA) were established to understand how migration and acculturation experiences influence the health, academic, and civic adaption of Latino youth ages 12-18 in North Carolina. These studies used rigorous mixed-methods designs. They combined in-person survey-based data collection of a stratified random sample of Latino youth in both urban and rural communities with in-depth qualitative interviews of a subsample of these youth and their parents. To better contextualize the experiences of Latino youth and their parents, the research team also conducted focus groups with non-Latino students, parents, and teachers throughout the school districts participating in these studies.
HEALTH
We found that Latino youth and their parents were at a high risk of developing mental health problems such as depression and anxiety (Ornelas & Perreira 2011; Potochnick & Perreira 2010). Nearly 7% of first-generation Latino youth and 14% of their primary caregivers, typically their biological mothers, reported clinically significant symptoms of depression. Almost 30% of youth reported clinically significant symptoms of anxiety and 27% of caregivers reported more general symptoms of psychological distress. High poverty levels prior to migration, stressful and traumatic experiences during migration, and racial-ethnic discrimination after migration each contributed to the development of these symptoms of poor mental health. Although not significant in fully adjusted models, unauthorized status was also associated with poor mental health among parents and their children. These unauthorized youth and their parents were more likely to be exposed to stressful and traumatic experiences which threatened their sense of security and emotional well-being.
ACADEMIC ADAPTATION
Despite the stresses of migration and acculturation, Latino children of immigrants in North Carolina adapted. As one young man commented, “The world turned upside down” when he moved to the US. Yet he and others like him adapted by nurturing family support systems, developing bilingual and bicultural skills, networking with Americans, and shaping positive ethnic identities (Ko & Perreira, 2010).
They also adapted by maintaining a positive outlook on their futures and investing in their educations (Perreira, Fuligni, and Potochnick 2010; Potochnick and Perreira 2010). Over two-thirds of Latino 9th graders in North Carolina aspired to complete a 4-year degree (28%) or graduate degree (35%). Foreign-born Latino youth, in particular believed that school was important (80%), saw school as useful for their futures (70%), and believed college was necessary for their futures (70%). An evaluation of the factors which influenced these academic motivations showed that being an immigrant, having a strong sense of ethnic identity, having a strong sense of family obligation, and feeling accepted by peers and encouraged by teachers were each linked to stronger academic motivations. Moreover, these factors helped to counteract the negative effects of the daily discriminatory experiences reported by 27% of youth over a two-week period.
Nevertheless, despite their high academic aspirations and motivations for investing in their educations in 9th grade, 43% of all Latino 12th graders planned to get a full-time job after graduation and only 41% had plans to immediately enroll in a 4-year college (Spees & Perreira, 2011). In particular, foreign-born high school seniors reported a greater likelihood of obtaining a full-time job and forgoing a college education immediately after graduating high school. Some of these Latino high school seniors had to set aside their academic aspirations for economic reasons. Forty percent had experienced significant economic hardships during their senior year (2009-10). Their families lost telephone, gas, electric, or water service (13%); were unable to pay their rents or mortgages (24%); and faced substantial food insecurity (21%). North Carolina’s universities and community colleges do not provide in-state tuition options for unauthorized immigrant students graduating from high school. Therefore, these students face particularly high financial barriers to a college education. Yet, as commented on by one young student, many continue to aspire to complete a college degree at some point in the future.
"Even for an illegal [immigrant], I think if you put effort into learning the language [and] doin’ good in school it’ll be way easier for to be able to find a job. And then, if there is an opportunity for you to get legalized you will have the rest behind you. I’m not a legal immigrant. I don’t have a visa. I don’t have nothin’ And in school I graduated taking AP calculus…I took a college-level course… My GPA was like 3.97." "If there’s ever a change [in the law] for me to go to college, I’ll have that behind me."
CIVIC ADAPTATION
In addition to investing in their educations, Latino children of immigrants invest in their futures by embracing both their American and ethnic identities (Patterson & Perreira 2011). Though high levels of perceived discrimination sometimes weakened their sense of American identity, 60% of Latino high school seniors reported both strong American identities and strong or very strong ethnic identities. These seniors considered a belief in the US Constitution (80%), the ability to speak English (76%), voting in US elections (60%), and becoming a US citizen (56%) essential to their inclusion in American life.
These high school seniors also invested in their futures by engaging in the civic life of their communities (Patterson & Perreira 2011). In our research, we defined civic engagement broadly to encompass attention to politics, the development of a political identity and national interest, and individual and collective actions designed to identify and address issues of public concern (Levine 2008; García Bedolla 2006). Civic engagement included both electoral (e.g., voting) and nonelectoral activities (e.g., participating in voluntary organizations) as well as daily activities and routines that promote an individual’s understanding of political systems and knowledge of current events (e.g., reading the newspaper).
Nationally, 57% of youth aged 15-to-25 are disengaged—they do not participate in any civic or political activities (Keeter, et al. 2002). Only 26% of youth are involved in any political activities and only 28% are involved in any civic activities.
In North Carolina, 58% of Latino high school seniors were disengaged. Compared to youth nationally, they were somewhat less engaged in political activities (18%) but more engaged in civic activities (35%). Those who engaged in political activities had typically attended a public meeting or demonstration (11%), volunteered for a political campaign (7%), attended a political party function (6%), or contacted an elected official (4%). Those who engaged in civic activities had actively worked in groups to solve problems in their communities or engaged in community service or volunteer activities. Males and females and US-born and foreign-born youth engaged in civic activities at nearly equal rates. But, more strikingly, those with strong American identities and strong ethnic identities engaged in civic activities far more frequently than their peers who had weak American or ethnic identities. Thus, civic engagement went hand in hand with a strong sense of American and ethnic affirmation and belonging.
CONCLUSION
As the Latino population in North Carolina and the US grows, their health, academic success, and engagement in the civic lives of their communities will promote economic prosperity in the US and contribute to the strength of American democracy. Our research has shown that the children of immigrants face many hardships. Yet they are resilient. They invest in their educations, they embrace their new American identities, and they engage in the civic lives of their communities. Thus, our investment in their health, educations, and political incorporation is an investment in America’s future.
KRISTIA M. PERREIRA is an associate professor at University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
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