"Drawing on exceptionally well-designed survey research on Arab Americans in Detroit and Dearborn, Michigan, the authors of these interdisciplinary articles have collaborated closely, greatly enhancing the significance and impact of their work. Meticulous statistical and ethnographic information informs each piece, and the theoretical focus throughout is on different discourses of citizenship. The chapters all contribute to an extraordinarily compelling yet nuanced argument that, for America's Arab immigrants, their particular and unique history problematizes their attainment of full citizenship in the nation."
-KAREN B. LEONARD, professor of anthropology, University of California-Irvine

"In the most noble tradition of empirically grounded social science, Citizenship and Crisis lifts the veil of misinformation created by post-9/11 anxiety and xenophobia to reveal an Arab- American community that is committed to American ideals and to U.S. society and struggling to gain acceptance here-in short, a group that bears little resemblance to the terrorists and fundamentalists haunting American nightmares."
-RICHARD ALBA, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, the Graduate Center, City University of New York

"Citizenship and Crisis is a timely and important book. Based on a landmark survey of Arab Americans in the Detroit metropolitan area, it looks beyond commonly-held stereotypes of Arab Americans to uncover the complex realities of their religious practices, cultural values, political views, and identities and provides a fascinating analysis of the many contradictions involved in being Arab American today. The book is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding Arab Americans in the United States."
-NANCY FONER, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, Hunter College and the Graduate Center, City University of New York

Is citizenship simply a legal status or does it describe a sense of belonging to a national community? For Arab Americans, these questions took on new urgency after 9/11, as the cultural prejudices that have often marginalized their community came to a head. Citizenship and Crisis reveals that, despite an ever-shifting definition of citizenship and the ease with which it can be questioned in times of national crisis, the Arab communities of metropolitan Detroit continue to thrive. A groundbreaking study of social life, religious practice, cultural values, and political views among Detroit Arabs after 9/11, Citizenship and Crisis argues that contemporary Arab American citizenship and identity have been shaped by the chronic tension between social inclusion and exclusion that has been central to this population’s experience in America.

According to the landmark Detroit Arab American Study, which surveyed more than 1,000 Arab Americans and is the focus of this book, Arabs express pride in being American at rates higher than the general population. In nine wide-ranging essays, the authors of Citizenship and Crisis argue that the 9/11 backlash did not substantially transform the Arab community in Detroit, nor did it alter the identities that prevail there. The city’s Arabs are now receiving more mainstream institutional, educational, and political support than ever before, but they remain a constituency defined as essentially foreign. The authors explore the role of religion in cultural integration and identity formation, showing that Arab Muslims feel more alienated from the mainstream than Arab Christians do. Arab Americans adhere more strongly to traditional values than do other Detroit residents, regardless of religion. Active participants in the religious and cultural life of the Arab American community attain higher levels of education and income, yet assimilation to the American mainstream remains important for achieving enduring social and political gains. The contradictions and dangers of being Arab and American are keenly felt in Detroit, but even when Arab Americans oppose U.S. policies, they express more confidence in U.S. institutions than do non-Arabs in the general population.

The Arabs of greater Detroit, whether native-born, naturalized, or permanent residents, are part of a political and historical landscape that limits how, when, and to what extent they can call themselves American. When analyzed against this complex backdrop, the results of The Detroit Arab American Study demonstrate that the pervasive notion in American society that Arabs are not like “us” is simply inaccurate. Citizenship and Crisis makes a rigorous and impassioned argument for putting to rest this exhausted cultural and political stereotype.

The Detroit Arab American Study is a collaboration between the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Dearborn, and an advisory panel of community representatives from more than twenty secular, religious, and social service organizations. The group is led by WAYNE BAKER, SALLY HOWELL, ANN CHIH LIN, ANDREW SHRYOCK, and MARK TESSLER of the University of Michigan; AMANEY JAMAL of Princeton University; and RON STOCKTON of the University of Michigan, Dearborn.

"Homeland Insecurity is rare in its ability to connect governmental policies at the national level with events on the ground in Chicago. Cainkar documents the War on Terror with a strong critical eye, showing how it was animated by a combination of local and global forces, by an American media culture that was prone to depict Muslims and Islam negatively, and by deep historical patterns of anti-Arab racism. Intimate ethnography, based on years of acquaintance with Chicago's Arab communities, and savvy political commentary, backed up by painstaking research, come together in this forceful study, which will double as a guidebook to those who want to understand, and undermine, the mechanics of anti-Arab and anti-Muslim politics in the U.S. today."
-ANDREW SHRYOCK, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan

"This book turns the Bush Administration's concept of homeland security on its head. Where the government treated Arab Americans and Muslim Americans as potential threats to the security of the United States, Louise Cainkar documents the U.S. government's threats to the security of these minority populations, almost none of whom were ever shown to be dangerous. In the words of one of Cainkar's interviewees, 'After September 11, I don't think anybody felt safe ... but Muslims definitely did not feel safe.'"
-CHARLES KURZMAN, professor of sociology, University of North Carolina

In the aftermath of 9/11, many Arab and Muslim Americans came under intense scrutiny by federal and local authorities, as well as their own neighbors, on the chance that they might know, support, or actually be terrorists. As Louise Cainkar observes, even U.S.-born Arabs and Muslims were portrayed as outsiders, an image that was amplified in the months after the attacks. She argues that 9/11 did not create anti-Arab and anti-Muslim suspicion; rather, their socially constructed images and social and political exclusion long before these attacks created an environment in which misunderstanding and hostility could thrive and the government could defend its use of profiling. Combining analysis and ethnography, Homeland Insecurity provides an intimate view of what it means to be an Arab or a Muslim in a country set on edge by the worst terrorist attack in its history.

Focusing on the metropolitan Chicago area, Cainkar conducted more than a hundred research interviews and five in-depth oral histories. In this, the most comprehensive ethnographic study of the post-9/11 period for American Arabs and Muslims, native-born and immigrant Palestinians, Egyptians, Lebanese, Iraqis, Yemenis, Sudanese, Jordanians, and others speak candidly about their lives as well as their experiences with government, public mistrust, discrimination, and harassment after 9/11. The book reveals that Arab Muslims were more likely to be attacked in certain spatial contexts than others and that Muslim women wearing the hijab were more vulnerable to assault than men, as their head scarves were interpreted by some as a rejection of American culture. Even as the 9/11 Commission never found any evidence that members of Arab- or Muslim-American communities were involved in the attacks, respondents discuss their feelings of insecurity—a heightened sense of physical vulnerability and exclusion from the guarantees of citizenship afforded other Americans.

Yet the vast majority of those interviewed for Homeland Insecurity report feeling optimistic about the future of Arab and Muslim life in the United States. Most of the respondents talked about their increased interest in the teachings of Islam, whether to counter anti-Muslim slurs or to better educate themselves. Governmental and popular hostility proved to be a springboard for heightened social and civic engagement. Immigrant organizations, religious leaders, civil rights advocates, community organizers, and others defended Arabs and Muslims and built networks with their organizations. Local roundtables between Arab and Muslim leaders, law enforcement, and homeland security agencies developed better understanding of Arab and Muslim communities. These post-9/11 changes have given way to stronger ties and greater inclusion in American social and political life.

Will the United States extend its values of freedom and inclusion beyond the politics of “us” and “them” stirred up after 9/11? The answer is still not clear. Homeland Insecurity is keenly observed and adds Arab and Muslim American voices to this still-unfolding period in American history.

LOUISE A. CAINKAR is assistant professor of sociology and social justice at Marquette University.

"Brint and Schroedel's two volume series is, quite simply, an outstanding exploration of America's conservative Protestants and their interaction with democratic politics .... The essays tackle a wide range of issues: social movement theory, survey data on values and voting, historical development, the implications of partisan involvement, race, and much more .... There may not be a more informative 700 pages on the historical sociology of American evangelicals for many years to come."
-CANADIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"At a time when the discussion of religion in America has become increasingly polemical, this volume offers a refreshingly level-headed look at the evidence. Combining rigor with relevance, Evangelicals and Democracy in America sets the record straight on the influence evangelicals do, and do not, have on American politics. Evangelicals' apologists and critics alike will learn much from the analysis done by this illustrious group of scholars."
-DAVID E. CAMBELL, John Cardinal O'Hara, CSC Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Notre Dame

"An important, timely, wise, cool-headed appraisal of the evangelical influence on American politics, Evangelicals and Democracy in America draws on an impressive lineup of thinkers and approaches-political science, history, sociology, theology-to illuminate one of the vital themes of our time. Religion matters. These essays explore how and why."
-JAMES A. MORONE, chair and professor of political science, Brown University

Separation of church and state is a bedrock principal of American democracy, and so, too, is active citizen engagement. Since evangelicals comprise one of the largest and most vocal voting blocs in the United States, tensions and questions naturally arise. In the two-volume Evangelicals and Democracy in America, editors Steven Brint and Jean Reith Schroedel have assembled an authoritative collection of studies of the evangelical movement in America. Religion and Politics, the second volume of the set, focuses on the role of religious conservatives in party politics, the rhetoric evangelicals use to mobilize politically, and what the history of the evangelical movement reveals about where it may be going.

Part I of Religion and Politics explores the role of evangelicals in electoral politics. Contributor Pippa Norris looks at evangelicals around the globe and finds that religiosity is a strong predictor of ideological leanings in industrialized countries. But the United States remains one of only a handful of post-industrial societies where religion plays a significant role in partisan politics. Other chapters look at voting trends, especially the growing number of higher-income evangelicals among Republican ranks, how voting is influenced both by “values” and race, and the management of the symbols and networks behind the electoral system of moral-values politics. Part II of the volume focuses on the mobilizing rhetoric of the Christian Right. Nathaniel Klemp and Stephen Macedo show how the rhetorical strategies of the Christian Right create powerful mobilizing narratives, but frequently fail to build broad enough coalitions to prevail in the pluralistic marketplace of ideas. Part III analyzes the cycles and evolution of the Christian Right. Kimberly Conger looks at the specific circumstances that have allowed evangelicals to become dominant in some Republican state party committees but not in others. D. Michael Lindsay examines the “elastic orthodoxy” that has allowed evangelicals to evolve into a formidable social and political force. The final chapter by Clyde Wilcox presents a new framework for understanding the relationship between the Christian Right and the GOP based on the ecological metaphor of co-evolution.

With its companion volume on religion and society, this second volume of Evangelicals and Democracy in America offers the most complete examination yet of the social circumstances and political influence of the millions of Americans who are white evangelical Protestants. Understanding their history and prospects for the future is essential to forming a comprehensive picture of America today.

STEVEN BRINT is professor of sociology at the University of California, Riverside, director of the Colleges & Universities 2000 study, and associate dean of the College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences.

JEAN REITH SCHROEDEL is dean of the School of Politics and Policy at Claremont Graduate University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Steven Brint, Jean Reith Schroedel, Seth Abrutyn, Wayne Baker, Connie J. Boudens, Kimberly H. Conger, Andrew Greeley, Peter Dobkin Hall, Michael Hout, Julie Ingersoll, Nathaniel Klemp, D. Michael Lindsay, Stephen Macedo, Pippa Norris, Clyde Wilcox, and Rhys H. Williams.

"Brint and Schroedel's two volume series is, quite simply, an outstanding exploration of America's conservative Protestants and their interaction with democratic politics .... The essays tackle a wide range of issues: social movement theory, survey data on values and voting, historical development, the implications of partisan involvement, race, and much more .... There may not be a more informative 700 pages on the historical sociology of American evangelicals for many years to come."
-CANADIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"With all the smoke that has been blown on the subject matter of this book, it is especially gratifying to read the careful, patient, well-researched, and perceptive material offered here. The sociologists and political scientists assembled for this project are first rate; what they write may be, collectively, the wisest words yet published on the character of 'the new Christian right' and much else besides."
-MARK A. NOLL, Francis Al McAnaney Professor of History, University of Notre Dame

"From the first wave of the Moral Majority to the shifting tide of values voters, a generation of Evangelical engagement in American public life is now ready for reassessment. Cogent and careful, the critical conversation of these two volumes cuts through the trumpet calls and tinny clichés of culture wars with an orchestral account of manifold ideals and institutions in counterpoint. It lifts up underlying changes that run deep in the American grain of revival and reform, moral protest and populist politics, social mobility, and cultural assimilation into an ongoing argument over the public good. Bravo!"
-STEVEN M. TIPTON, Charles Howard Candler Professor of Sociology of Religion, Emory University

By the end of the nineteenth century, the vast majority of U.S. churches were evangelical in outlook and practice. America’s turn toward modernism and embrace of science in the early twentieth century threatened evangelicalism’s cultural prominence. But as confidence in modern secularism wavered in the 1960s and 1970s, evangelicalism had another great awakening. The two volumes of Evangelicals and Democracy in America trace the development and current role of evangelicalism in American social and political life. Volume I focuses on who evangelicals are today, how they relate to other groups, and what role they play in U.S. social institutions.

Part I of Religion and Society examines evangelicals’ identity and activism. Contributor Robert Wuthnow explores the identity built around the centrality of Jesus, church and community service, and the born-again experience. Philip Gorski explores the features of American evangelicalism and society that explain the recurring mobilization of conservative Protestants in American history. Part II looks at how evangelicals relate to other key groups in American society. Individual chapters delve into evangelicals’ relationship to other conservative religious groups, women and gays, African Americans, and mainline Protestants. These chapters show sources of both solidarity and dissension within the “traditionalist alliance” and the hidden strengths of mainline Protestants’ moral discourse. Part III examines religious conservatives’ influence on American social institutions outside of politics. W. Bradford Wilcox, David Sikkink, Gabriel Rossman, and Rogers Smith investigate evangelicals’ influence on families, schools, popular culture, and the courts, respectively. What emerges is a picture of American society as a consumer marketplace with a secular legal structure and an arena of pluralistic competition interpreting what constitutes the public good. These chapters show that religious conservatives have been shaped by these realities more than they have been able to shape them.

Evangelicals and Democracy in America, Volume I is one of the most comprehensive examinations ever of this important current in American life and serves as a corrective to erroneous popular representations. These meticulously balanced studies not only clarify the religious and social origins of evangelical mobilization, but also detail both the scope and limits of evangelicals’ influence in our society. This volume is the perfect complement to its companion in this landmark series, Evangelicals and Democracy in America, Volume II: Religion and Politics.

STEVEN BRINT is professor of sociology at the University of California, Riverside, director of the Colleges & Universities 2000 study, and associate dean of the College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences.

JEAN REITH SCHROEDEL is dean of the School of Politics and Policy at Claremont Graduate University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Steven Brint, Jean Reith Schroedel, Nancy T. Ammerman, Prudence L. Carter, John H. Evans, John C. Green, Philip S. Gorski, Michèle Lamont, Paul Lichterman, Jennifer Merolla, Gabriel Rossman, David Sikkink, Rogers M. Smith, Scott Waller, W. Bradford Wilcox, Robert Wuthnow.

Focusing on issues of particular importance to black people, and confronting the rich variety and the complexity of the black experience, the many contributors demonstrate the broad diversity of research interests and strategies among black psychologists, from the traditional to the innovative. Topics covered include studies of motivation, cognitive development, life-span development, and cultural difference versus deficit theories. Many of the studies directly refute previous conceptions of the psychological functioning of blacks and offer alternative models and formulations.

This book is the first to present soundly designed and executed research that is emphatically linked to the perspectives and the psychological concerns of black Americans. In designing these studies, the authors aimed to ameliorate the pressing educational and social problems of blacks through a better understanding of their life conditions.

A. WADE BOYKIN is associate professor of psychology at Cornell University and associate editor of the Journal of Black Psychology.

ANDERSON J. FRANKLIN is associate professor of clinical psychology in the Graduate Center and at City College of the City University of New York.

J. FRANK YATES is associate professor of psychology at the University of Michigan.

CONTRIBUTORS:  John D. Bacon,  W. Curtis Banks,  Oscar Barbarin, A. Wade Boykin,  Michael Cole,  O. Jackson Cole,  William Collins,  William E. Cross Jr.,  Herman W. Dorsett,  Ozzie L. Edwards,  Anderson J. Franklin,  Lenora Fulani, William S. Hall,  Algea . Harrison,  Janet L. Hubbart,  James S. Jackson,  Ronald M. Jennings,  James M. Jones,  Yvonne B. Kelley, Gregory V. McQuater, Lillian Patterson,  John Peterson,  Diane S. Pollard,  Stephen Reder,  James E. Savage,  Sandra A. Sims,  Anita D. Stearns,  Ewart A. C. Thomas,  M. Belinda Tucker, Janet Williams, Carl O. Word,  J. Frank Yates.

Does social science influence social policy? This is a topic of perennial concern among students of politics, the economy, and other social institutions. In Effective Social Science, eight prominent social researchers offer first-hand descriptions of the impact of their work on government and corporate policy.

In their own words, these noted political scientists, economists, and sociologists—among them such influential scholars as James Coleman, Joseph Pechman, and Eliz Ginzberg—tell us what it was like to become involved in the making of social policy. These rich personal narratives, derived from detailed interviews conducted by Bernard Barber (himself a veteran of the biomedical poliy arena), illuminate the role of social science in diverse areas, including school desegregation, comprehensive income taxation, military manpower utilization, transportation deregulation, and the protection of privacy.

The patterns traced in this volume indicate that social science can influence policy, but only as part of a pluralistic, political process; effective social research requires advocacy as well as a conducive social and idealogical climate. For anyone curious about the relationship between social knowledge and social action, this book provides striking illustration and fruitful analysis.

BERNARD BARBER is professor at Barnard College and the Graduate faculties at Columbia University.

The Politics of Numbers is the first major study of the social and political forces behind the nation's statistics. In more than a dozen essays, its editors and authors look at the controversies and choices embodied in key decisions about how we count—in measuring the state of the economy, for example, or enumerating ethnic groups. They also examine the implications of an expanding system of official data collection, of new computer technology, and of the shift of information resources intot he private sector.

WILLIAM ALONSO is at Harvard University.

PAUL STARR is at Princeton University.

A Volume in the RSF Census Series

“In this fresh look at the dynamics of U.S. immigration, Massey and Sanchez document the effects on [immigrants’] identities of the current harsh anti-immigration environment they encounter in the United States. Hewing to the dominant view in the sociology of immigration, the authors model immigrant assimilation not as a straight-line process of gradual adoption of the dominant culture, but as a two-way process of group-boundary negotiation between newcomers and native-born citizens. . . . This sobering account of the experiences of immigrant reform is highly detrimental, not only for the immigrants themselves, but also for American society at large.”
—Population & Development Review 

“Based on statistical and ethnographic accounts, Douglas Massey and Magaly Sánchez have written a book that offers an insightful portrait of new Latin American immigrants and also challenges the prevailing anti-immigrant hysteria. The lives of the new immigrants, told in their own words, are full of hard work and dreams for a small piece of the American dream. Some make it, but most struggle at multiple jobs with no benefits and with little chance of upward mobility. The overwhelming evidence shows that almost all new immigrants are hopeful, law abiding, family and community orientated, and working hard to secure a better life for themselves and their children. The harshness of American policies has not reduced immigration, but has legitimized discrimination that has marginalized immigrants and weakened the fabric of American society.”
—Charles Hirschman, Boeing International Professor, University of Washington 

“Brokered Boundaries is a timely, unflinching, compelling, and rigorously reasoned analysis of the consequences of a hostile context of reception for immigrant destinies and identities. In an era of widening inequality, rising xenophobia, and unprecedented state persecution of millions of undocumented immigrants and their children, the authors trace the trajectories and stories of a sample of Latin Americans in the urban northeast. In the process they tackle empirical puzzles, challenge conventional wisdom, debunk the sunny ethnocentrism embedded in formulaic discourses of ‘assimilation’ in American life, and offer a sober reconsideration of policy courses for the American future.”
—Rubén G. Rumbaut, professor of sociology, University of California, Irvine

Anti-immigrant sentiment reached a fever pitch after 9/11, but its origins go back much further. Public rhetoric aimed at exposing a so-called invasion of Latino immigrants has been gaining ground for more than three decades—and fueling increasingly restrictive federal immigration policy. Accompanied by a flagging U.S. economy—record-level joblessness, bankruptcy, and income inequality—as well as waning consumer confidence, these conditions signaled one of the most hostile environments for immigrants in recent memory. In Brokered Boundaries, Douglas Massey and Magaly Sánchez untangle the complex political, social, and economic conditions underlying the rise of xenophobia in U.S. society. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Latin American immigrants in metropolitan New York and Philadelphia and—in their own words and images—reveals what life is like for immigrants attempting to integrate in anti-immigrant times.

What do the social categories “Latino” and “American” actually mean to today’s immigrants? Brokered Boundaries analyzes how first- and second-generation immigrants from Central and South America and the Caribbean navigate these categories and their associated meanings as they make their way through U.S. society. Massey and Sánchez argue that the mythos of immigration, in which newcomers gradually shed their respective languages, beliefs, and cultural practices in favor of a distinctly American way of life, is, in reality, a process of negotiation between new arrivals and native-born citizens. Natives control interactions with outsiders by creating institutional, social, psychological, and spatial mechanisms that delimit immigrants’ access to material resources and even social status. Immigrants construct identities based on how they perceive and respond to these social boundaries. The authors make clear that today’s Latino immigrants are brokering boundaries in the context of unprecedented economic uncertainty, repressive anti-immigrant legislation, and a heightening fear that upward mobility for immigrants translates into downward mobility for the native-born. Despite an absolute decline in Latino immigration, immigration-related statutes have tripled in recent years, including many that further shred the safety net for legal permanent residents as well as the undocumented.

Brokered Boundaries shows that, although Latin American immigrants come from many different countries, their common reception in a hostile social environment produces an emergent Latino identity soon after arrival. During anti-immigrant times, however, the longer immigrants stay in America, the more likely they are to experience discrimination and the less likely they are to identify as Americans.

DOUGLAS S. MASSEY is Henry G. Bryant Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs at the Woodrow Wilson School.

MAGALY SÁNCHEZ R. is senior researcher and visiting scholar at the Office of Population Research at Princeton University.