Traces the development of the sanitary and health problems of New York City from earliest Dutch times to the culmination of a nineteenth-century reform movement that produced the Metropolitan Health Act of 1866, the forerunner of the present New York City Department of Health. Professor Duffy shows the city's transition from a clean and healthy colonial settlement to an epidemic-ridden community in the eighteenth century, as the city outgrew its health and sanitation facilities. He describes the slow growth of a demand for adequate health laws in the mid-nineteenth century, leading to the establishment of the first permanent health agency in 1866.

JOHN DUFFY is professor of history of medicine in the history department and School of Medicine at Tulane University.

Policy analysis, as a practical matter, is hardly new. Throughout history, rulers have sought advice from priests or sages, and monarchs have conferred with counselors. The emergence of empirical social research in the nineteenth century laid the groundwork for policy advice that was more than an idiosyncratic political exercise, but it was not until well into this century that the systematic examination of policy issues became feasible.

Advice and Consent traces the recent course of the "policy sciences," a term coined in 1951 to describe an analytic approach that draws on political science, sociology, law, economics, psychology, and operations research to examine specific social problems in context. Peter deLeon's unique contribution is to delineate two separate but related currents in the development of the policy sciences: first, the evolution of intellectual tools for analysis ("advice"); and second, the evolution of a perceived need for policy research as prompted by events such as the war on poverty ("consent").

Peter deLeon's concise and literate account of how these two trends shaped the policy sciences and affected each other clarifies the present state of policy research, explores its failure to realize fully its ideals, and frames the challenges facing the policy sciences as they struggle to complete their transformation from academic fancy to institutional fact.

PETER DELEON is assistant professor of public policy at the Graduate School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado, Denver, and advisor to several European policy research centers.

Did America’s democratic convictions “change forever” after the terrorist attacks of September 11? In the wake of 9/11, many pundits predicted that Americans’ new and profound anxiety would usher in an era of political acquiescence. Fear, it was claimed, would drive the public to rally around the president and tolerate diminished civil liberties in exchange for security. Political scientist Darren Davis challenges this conventional wisdom in Negative Liberty, revealing a surprising story of how September 11 affected Americans’ views on civil liberties and security.

Drawing on a unique series of original public opinion surveys conducted in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and over the subsequent three years, Negative Liberty documents the rapid shifts in Americans’ opinions regarding the tradeoff between liberty and security, at a time when the threat of terrorism made the conflict between these values particularly stark. Theories on the psychology of threat predicted that people would cope with threats by focusing on survival and reaffirming their loyalty to their communities, and indeed, Davis found that Americans were initially supportive of government efforts to prevent terrorist attacks by rolling back certain civil liberties. Democrats and independents under a heightened sense of threat became more conservative after 9/11, and trust in government reached its highest level since the Kennedy administration. But while ideological divisions were initially muted, this silence did not represent capitulation on the part of civil libertarians. Subsequent surveys in the years after the attacks revealed that, while citizens’ perceptions of threat remained acute, trust in the government declined dramatically in response to the perceived failures of the administration’s foreign and domestic security policies. Indeed, those Americans who reported the greatest anxiety about terrorism were the most likely to lose confidence in the government in the years after 2001. As a result, ideological unity proved short lived, and support for civil liberties revived among the public. Negative Liberty demonstrates that, in the absence of faith in government, even extreme threats to national security are not enough to persuade Americans to concede their civil liberties permanently.

The September 11 attacks created an unprecedented conflict between liberty and security, testing Americans’ devotion to democratic norms. Through lucid analysis of concrete survey data, Negative Liberty sheds light on how citizens of a democracy balance these competing values in a time of crisis.
 
DARREN W. DAVIS is professor of political science at Michigan State University.

"For many American parents with young-adult children, The Price of Independence will be a source of consolation and insight. The consolation will come from the documentation that the path to stable work and marriage is not only longer for their children, but for most American young adults. The insights will include evidence that the longer path to adult roles is not driven by changing economic conditions, but rather by changing social norms, especially changes in young people's expectations about work, schooling, and families. The book will help public policy makers recognize that young adults in other industrialized countries are experiencing many of the same challenges that young Americans face. At the same time, the book documents that the large number of young Americans without health care and the extraordinarily high incarceration rates of young adult males of color are problems facing young people that this country has not solved, but many others have avoided."
-RICHARD J. MURNANE, professor, Harvard Graduate School of Education

"The Price of Independence brings together an interesting and diverse set of essays charting changes in the 'launch into adulthood' of today's youth. The changes in ages and levels of completed education, steady jobs, living independent of parents, marrying, having children are documented both for the United States and for several industrialized countries. The extent to which economic factors-changing labor markets, levels of debt, health insurance, costs of living-have influenced these changes are analyzed, often exploding common perceptions of the impact of such factors. But its not just economic factors that are considered; sociologist, political scientist, education specialists all get a turn 'at bat' and the result is a rich multidimen sional contribution to our understanding of these issues. I particularly like the international comparisons and the discussion of how differential social norms may affect both differences in the degree of change and the public perception of changes as positive or negative. Thanks to Sheldon Danziger and Cecilia Elena Rouse for putting this together."
-ROB HOLLISTER, professor of economics, Swarthmore College

More and more young men and women today are taking longer and having more difficulty making a successful transition to adulthood.  They are staying in school longer, having a harder time finding steady employment at jobs that provide health insurance, and are not marrying and having children until much later in life than their parents did. In The Price of Independence, a roster of distinguished experts diagnose the extent and causes of these trends.

Observers of social trends have speculated on the economic changes that may be delaying the transition to adulthood—from worsening job opportunities to mounting student debt and higher housing costs—but few have offered empirical evidence to back up their claims. The Price of Independence represents the first significant analysis of these economic explanations, charting the evolving life circumstances of eighteen to thirty-five year-olds over the last few decades. Lisa Bell, Gary Burtless, Janet Gornick, and Timothy M. Smeeding show that the earnings of young workers in the United States and a number of industrialized countries have declined relative to the cost of supporting a family, which may explain their protracted dependence. In addition, Henry Farber finds that job stability for young male workers has dropped over the last generation. But while economic factors have some influence on young people’s transitions to adulthood, The Price of Independence shows that changes in the economic climate can not account for the magnitude of the societal shift in the timing of independent living, marriage, and childbearing. Aaron Yelowitz debunks the myth that steep housing prices are forcing the young to live at home—housing costs actually fell between 1980 and 2000 once lower interest rates and tax subsidies are taken into account. And Ngina Chiteji reveals that average student loan debt is only $3,500 per household. The trend toward starting careers and families later appears to have more to do with changing social norms, as well as policies that have broadened access to higher education, than with changes in the economy.

For better or worse, the current generation is redefining the nature and boundaries of  what it means to be a young adult. The Price of Independence documents just how dramatically the modern lifecycle has changed and offers evidence as an antidote to much of the conventional wisdom about these social changes.

SHELDON DANZIGER is Henry J. Meyer Distinguished University Professor of Public Policy and codirector of the National Poverty Center at the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan.

CECILIA ELENA ROUSE is the Theodore A. Wells  Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Sofya Aptekar, Lisa Bell, Gary Burtless, Ngina S. Chiteji, Henry S. Farber,  Maria D. Fitzpatrick,  Janet Gornick, Melanie Guldi,  Carolyn J. Hill,  Harry Holzer, Helen Levy, Katherine Newman, Marianne E. Page,  Steven Raphael,  Timothy M. Smeeding,  Ann Huff Stevens,  Sarah E. Turner,  Aaron S. Yelowitz.

A Volume in the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality

“It is past time to take stock of the costs and benefits of, and the alternatives to, the most important post-9/11 changes in the practices of Western nations to deal with terrorism. Under the leadership of one of our most distinguished experts in terrorism, Professor Martha Crenshaw, a set of scholars has produced a book that does review the changed policies and practices with the breadth of coverage and depth of examination of major decisions the subject demands. There is much to be learned from The Consequences of Counterterrorism in terms of assessment of the successes and failures and unexplored costs of our past efforts.”
–Philip B. Heymann, Harvard Law School

“Sweeping statutory and institutional alterations mark liberal democratic responses to terrorism post-9/11. The political and legal costs of these provisions, however, have gone virtually unnoticed in the political science literature. The Consequences of Counterterrorism fills this vacuum, surveying an impressive array of countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and North America. With ground-breaking research, the volume is a must-read for anyone seeking to better understand the effects of counterterrorist law.”
–Laura Donohue,  Georgetown Law School

“Martha Crenshaw has assembled a first-rate team of international scholars to assess the effects on democratic governance of the counterterrorism measures adopted by Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Israel, and Japan. The result is an excellent and essential volume for all those concerned with the rule of law, the protection of civil liberties, and more generally, the striking of the right balance between protecting democracies from terrorists, on the one hand, and preserving the foundations of democracy, on the other.”
–Robert J. Art, Brandeis University

The 9/11 terrorist attacks opened America’s eyes to a frightening world of enemies surrounding us. But have our eyes opened wide enough to see how our experiences compare with other nations’ efforts to confront and prevent terrorism? Other democracies have long histories of confronting both international and domestic terrorism. Some have undertaken progressively more stringent counterterrorist measures in the name of national security and the safety of citizens. The Consequences of Counterterrorism examines the political costs and challenges democratic governments face in confronting terrorism.

Using historical and comparative perspectives, The Consequences of Counterterrorism presents thematic analyses as well as case studies of Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Japan, and Israel. Contributor John Finn compares post-9/11 antiterrorism legislation in the United States, Europe, Canada, and India to demonstrate the effects of hastily drawn policies on civil liberties and constitutional norms. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Jean-Luc Marret assert that terrorist designation lists are more widespread internationally than ever before. The authors examine why governments and international organizations use such lists, how they work, and why they are ineffective tools. Gallya Lahav shows how immigration policy has become inextricably linked to security in the EU and compares the European fear of internal threats to the American fear of external ones.

A chapter by Dirk Haubrich explains variation in the British government’s willingness to compromise democratic principles according to different threats. In his look at Spain and Northern Ireland, Rogelio Alonso asserts that restricting the rights of those who perpetrate ethnonationalist violence may be acceptable in order to protect the rights of citizens who are victims of such violence. Jeremy Shapiro considers how the French response to terrorist threats has become more coercive during the last fifty years. Israel’s “war model” of counterterrorism has failed, Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger argue, and is largely the result of the military elite’s influence on state institutions. Giovanni Cappocia explains how Germany has protected basic norms and institutions. In contrast, David Leheny stresses the significance of change in Japan’s policies.

Preventing and countering terrorism is now a key policy priority for many liberal democratic states. As The Consequences of Counterterrorism makes clear, counterterrorist policies have the potential to undermine the democratic principles, institutions, and processes they seek to preserve.

MARTHA CRENSHAW is senior fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation and Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University, and a professor of political science by courtesy, as well as professor of government, emerita, at Wesleyan University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Rogelio Alonso, Giovanni Capoccia, Martha Crenshaw, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, John E. Finn, Dirk Haubrich, Gallya Lahav, David Leheny, Jean-Luc Marret, Ami Pedahzur, Arie Perliger, and Jeremy Shapiro.

"In The Fifth Dimension, Michael Cole and his university and community- based colleagues offer many important ideas. One is that colleges and universities have much to gain from getting involved in the creation and implementation of after-school programs."
-ROBERT C. GRANGER, president, William T. Grant Foundation

"The Fifth Dimension describes in an honest and subtle way the process of trying to translate theory into practice. The authors began with a rich stew of ideas-about broadening access to literacy, the potential of computers as a new tool for creating learning communities across time and space, about integrating play, learning, attachment, and work, and about the power of myth. They turned these into a unique role playing game called the Fifth Dimension, and then introduced this game into diverse community-based after-school settings. The results were rewarding, frustrating, and illuminating. The book itself is a model of how to report this kind of work. The authors are respectful of their own ideas, the children, and adults with whom they worked over the years, and not least the reader."
-ROBERT HALPERN, professor, Erikson Institute

The significant increase in the number of working mothers over the last twenty years has led to widespread worries about the plight of “latchkey kids,” who return from school each day to empty homes. Concerned that unsupervised children might be at greater risk of delinquency, schools and communities across the nation began providing after-school activities. But many of these programs were hastily devised with little understanding of what constitutes a quality program that meets children’s developmental needs. The Fifth Dimension explores and evaluates one of the country’s most successful and innovative after-school programs, providing insightful and practical lessons about what works and doesn’t work after-school.

The Fifth Dimension program was established in the 1980s as a partnership between community centers and local colleges to establish an educational after-school program. With an emphasis on diversity and computer technology, the program incorporates the latest theories about child development and gives college students the opportunity to apply their textbook understanding of child development to real learning environments. The Fifth Dimension explores the design, implementation, and evaluation of this thriving program. The authors attribute the success of the Fifth Dimension to several factors. First, the program offers a balance of intellectually enriching exercises with development enhancing games. Second, by engaging undergraduates as active participants in both learning and social activities, the program gives local community organizations a large infusion of high-quality help for their educational efforts. Third, by rewarding children for their achievements and good behavior with greater flexibility in choosing their own schedules, the Fifth Dimension acts as a powerful, enduring motivator.

The Fifth Dimension program serves as a model for what an enriching after-school program can be. The product of years of innovation and careful assessment, The Fifth Dimension is a valuable resource for all who are interested in developing successful community-based learning programs.

MICHAEL COLE is university professor of communication and psychology at the University of California, San Diego.

In 1969, Senator John Pastore requested that the Surgeon General appoint a committee to conduct an inquiry into television violence and its effect on children. When the Surgeon General's report was finally released in 1972—after a three-year inquiry and a cost of over $1.8 million—it angered and confused a number of critics, including politicians, the broadcast industry, many of the social scientists who had helped carry out the research, and the public.

While the final consequences of the Report may not be played out for years to come, TV Violence and the Child presents a fascinating study of the Surgeon General's quest and, in effect, the process by which social science is recruited and its findings made relevant to public policy.

In addition to dealing with television as an object of concern, the authors also consider the government's effectiveness when dealing with social objectives and the influence of citizen action on our communication systems. Their overwhelming conclusion is that the nation's institutions are ill-equipped for recruiting expert talent, providing clear findings, and carrying out objectives in this area of delicate human concern.

DOUGLASS CATER is director of the Aspen Institute Program on Communications and Society.

STEPHEN STRICKLAND is director of the Washington, D.C., office of the Health Policy Program of the University of California, San Francisco.

 

"For those who think that low-wage workers are just 'unskilled' workers who somehow deserve their fates, Low-Wage Work in France is a must read, in that it shows how their fates vary across sectors within a given country (France) and across countries, within Europe or across the Atlantic."
-DANIEL COHEN, professor, École Normale Supérieure and Paris School of Economics, and director, CEPREMAP

"France has replaced Sweden as the quintessential example of the over-regulated, bloated welfare state that strangles the market economy, producing inefficient workplaces, and undermines incentives to work. As in the case of Sweden, the reality is much more complicated. With a comprehensive overview chapter and five case studies of narrowly framed jobs in different sectors, Eve Caroli and the contributors to this volume show that a high minimum wage has successfully limited the incidence of low wages, but that there has been a growing intensification of work, a development that challenges this orthodox view. Anyone who cares about understanding the real nature of low wage work in France must read this excellent book."
-DAVID R. HOWELL, professor of economics, Milano The New School for Management and Urban Policy

"Low-Wage Work in France will surely take its place among the Russell Sage Foundation's landmark studies of low paid work in the United States and Europe. A team of distinguished labor economists and sociologists highlights the harsh nature of low-wage work in France, the intensity of its work rhythms and its insecurity. The causes, they argue, often lie in a mix of intense competition in the product markets of these sectors, combined with monopsony power in their labor markets. The institutional structure of French labor markets in conjunction with the employment systems operated by private and public sector organizations shape the incidence of low-wage work, and help explain the specificity of the French case compared with other countries. This work will prove invaluable to all who wish to understand the causes of low-wage employment, and to develop policies to alleviate its consequences for the workers concerned."
-DAVID MARSDEN, professor of industrial relations, London School of Economics

In France, low wages have historically inspired tremendous political controversy. The social and political issues at stake center on integrating the working class into society and maintaining the stability of the republican regime. A variety of federal policies—including high minimum wages and strong employee protection—serve to ensure that the low-wage workforce stays relatively small. Low-Wage Work in France examines both the benefits and drawbacks of this politically inspired system of worker protection. France’s high minimum wage, which is indexed not only to inflation but also to the average increase in employee wages, plays a critical role in limiting the development of low-paid work. Social welfare benefits and a mandatory thirty-five hour work week also make life easier for low-wage workers. Strong employee protection is a central characteristic of the French model, but high levels of protection for employees may also be one of the causes of France’s chronically high rate of unemployment. The threat of long-term unemployment may, in turn, contribute to a persistent sense of insecurity among French workers. Low-Wage Work in France provides a lucid analysis of how a highly regulated labor market shapes the experiences of workers—for better and for worse.

ÈVE CAROLI is professor of economics at University Paris X.

JÉRÔME GAUTIÉ is professor of economics at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne.

CONTRIBUTORS: Anne Marie Arborio, Philippe Askenazy, Mathieu Beraud, Jean-Baptiste Berry, Jacques Bouteiller, Lise Causse, Thierry Colin, Emilie Feriel, Benoit Grasser, Christine Guegnard, Annie Lamenthe, Philippe Mehaut, Sylvie-Anne Meriot, Philippe Mosse, Sophie Prunier-Poulmaire, Robert Solow.

A Volume in the RSF Case Studies of Job Quality in Advanced Economies

"It's a sad thing that the United States still leads the rich world in poverty. But it's a very good thing that we have the kind of high quality research represented by this sterling volume. To learn the latest about the changing nature of poverty in America, and of the policy responses to it, this is the place to look."
-ALAN S. BLINDER, Princeton University

"High rates of poverty were the shame of American capitalism even before the great recession of the late 2000s. The recession will raise poverty to levels not seen since the early 1960s. What can we do? Changing Poverty, Changing Policies documents the factors and decisions that have kept poverty rates high even in good times and then considers evidence-based policies that could help turn the tide in the war on poverty-at least when the recovery comes. Whether you regard the policies as too modest or too far-reaching, the book is invaluable to understanding past failures to reduce poverty and in devising ways to improve on our abysmal record."
-RICHARD B. FREEMAN, Harvard University and National Bureau of Economic Research

"This timely book refocuses our attention on measures to 'make work pay' as a way to reduce poverty. It provides a comprehensive analysis of policies to reduce poverty by supporting income and employment over the last thirty years. The editors bravely highlight their favorite policies. Some of these, like fighting discrimination, expanding the EITC, investing in early childhood education, and implementing health insurance reform are relatively uncontroversial. Others, like increasing minimum wages, expanding 'jobs of last resort programs,' putting more money into state child care systems (which are not always of the highest quality), and expanding paid parental leave through the social insurance system are more hotly debated. But whether you agree or disagree, the analysis presented here by some of the country's leading anti-poverty experts will make you think."
-JANET CURRIE, Columbia University

Poverty declined significantly in the decade after Lyndon Johnson’s 1964 declaration of “War on Poverty.” Dramatically increased federal funding for education and training programs, social security benefits, other income support programs, and a growing economy reduced poverty and raised expectations that income poverty could be eliminated within a generation. Yet the official poverty rate has never fallen below its 1973 level and remains higher than the rates in many other advanced economies. In this book, editors Maria Cancian and Sheldon Danziger and leading poverty researchers assess why the War on Poverty was not won and analyze the most promising strategies to reduce poverty in the twenty-first century economy.

Changing Poverty, Changing Policies documents how economic, social, demographic, and public policy changes since the early 1970s have altered who is poor and where antipoverty initiatives have kept pace or fallen behind. Part I shows that little progress has been made in reducing poverty, except among the elderly, in the last three decades. The chapters examine how changing labor market opportunities for less-educated workers have increased their risk of poverty (Rebecca Blank), and how family structure changes (Maria Cancian and Deborah Reed) and immigration have affected poverty (Steven Raphael and Eugene Smolensky). Part II assesses the ways childhood poverty influences adult outcomes. Markus Jäntti finds that poor American children are more likely to be poor adults than are children in many other industrialized countries. Part III focuses on current antipoverty policies and possible alternatives. Jane Waldfogel demonstrates that policies in other countries—such as sick leave, subsidized child care, and schedule flexibility—help low-wage parents better balance work and family responsibilities. Part IV considers how rethinking and redefining poverty might take antipoverty policies in new directions. Mary Jo Bane assesses the politics of poverty since the 1996 welfare reform act. Robert Haveman argues that income-based poverty measures should be expanded, as they have been in Europe, to include social exclusion and multiple dimensions of material hardships.

Changing Poverty, Changing Policies shows that thoughtful policy reforms can reduce poverty and promote opportunities for poor workers and their families. The authors’ focus on pragmatic measures that have real possibilities of being implemented in the United States not only provides vital knowledge about what works but real hope for change.

Listen to Maria Cancian speak about marriage on NPR's Weekend Edition Saturday.

MARIA CANCIAN is professor of public affairs and social work and research affiliate of the Institute for Research on Poverty at the University of Wisconsin–Madison.

SHELDON DANZIGER is Henry J. Meyer Distinguished University Professor of Public Policy and director of the National Poverty Center at the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan.

CONTRIBUTORS: Mary Jo Bane, Rebecca M. Blank, Maria Cancian, Benjamin Cowan, Sheldon Danziger, Robert Haveman, Harry J. Holzer, Brian A. Jacob, Markus Jäntti, Jens Ludwig, Katherine Magnuson, Daniel R. Meyer, Robert Moffitt, Deborah Reed, Steven Raphael, John Karl Scholz, Eugene Smolensky, Katherine Swartz, Elizabeth Votruba-Drzal, Jane Waldfogel, Geoffrey L. Wallace

An Institute for Research on Poverty Affiliated Book on Poverty and Public Policy

Considers how Americans define the quality of their life experiences, as expressed in their perceptions, evaluations, and satisfactions. Based on research conducted by the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan, the book uses data which are representative of the national population eighteen years of age and older, and employs the major social characteristics of class, age, education, and income. The authors cover such topics as the residential environment, the experience of work, marriage, and family life, and personal resources and competence. They also report on the situation of women and the quality of the life experience of black people.

ANGUS CAMPBELL is professor of psychology and sociology and director of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan.

PHILIP E. CONVERSE is Robert C. Angell Professor of Political Science and Sociology and program director of the Center for Political Studies at the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan.

WILLARD L. RODGERS is senior study director of the Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, at the University of Michigan.