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Cover image of the book Immigration, Poverty, and Socioeconomic Inequality
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Immigration, Poverty, and Socioeconomic Inequality

Editors
David Card
Steven Raphael
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$65.00
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“Immigration, Poverty, and Socioeconomic Inequality offers a rigorous, multifaceted and up-to-the-minute reconsideration of the linkages between the historically high rates of U.S. immigration, the opportunities for economic advancement within and between generations, and the well-being of both immigrants and natives. It is a rare pleasure indeed when a group of distinguished scholars from across the spectrum of social sciences—economics, sociology, geography, and ethnography—join forces to mount a sustained intellectual advance on the frontier of a momentously important topic.”
—David Autor, professor and associate chair, Economics Department, MIT 

“The highest and the lowest levels of education and poverty in the United States today are found among foreign-born ethnic groups. What has been the role of immigration in the widening of socioeconomic inequality? What have been the main modes of intergenerational mobility over time, between groups, and in different regions of the country? What sorts of public policies ameliorate, or exacerbate, such extraordinarily complex problems? This superb volume brings together two dozen leading economists and other social scientists to provide some of the most rigorous answers to these questions to date, setting the standard for future research into the immigration/poverty nexus.”
—Rubén G. Rumbaut, professor of sociology, University of California, Irvine

The rapid rise in the proportion of foreign-born residents in the United States since the mid-1960s is one of the most important demographic events of the past fifty years. The increase in immigration, especially among the less-skilled and less-educated, has prompted fears that the newcomers may have depressed the wages and employment of the native-born, burdened state and local budgets, and slowed the U.S. economy as a whole. Would the poverty rate be lower in the absence of immigration? How does the undocumented status of an increasing segment of the foreign-born population impact wages in the United States? In Immigration, Poverty and Socioeconomic Inequality, noted labor economists David Card and Steven Raphael and an interdisciplinary team of scholars provide a comprehensive assessment of the costs and benefits of the latest era of immigration to the United States.

Immigration, Poverty, and Socioeconomic Inequality rigorously explores shifts in population trends, labor market competition, and socioeconomic segregation to investigate how the recent rise in immigration affects economic disadvantage in the U.S. Giovanni Peri analyzes the changing skill composition of immigrants to the United States over the past two decades to assess their impact on the labor market outcomes of native-born workers. Despite concerns over labor market competition, he shows that the overall effect has been benign for most native groups. Moreover, immigration appears to have had negligible impacts on native poverty rates. Ethan Lewis examines whether differences in English proficiency explain this lack of competition between immigrant and native-born workers. He finds that parallel Spanish-speaking labor markets emerge in areas where Spanish speakers are sufficiently numerous, thereby limiting the impact of immigration on the wages of native-born residents. While the increase in the number of immigrants may not necessarily hurt the job prospects of native-born workers, low-skilled migration appears to suppress the wages of immigrants themselves. Michael Stoll shows that linguistic isolation and residential crowding in specific metropolitan areas has contributed to high poverty rates among immigrants. Have these economic disadvantages among low-skilled immigrants increased their dependence on the U.S. social safety net? Marianne Bitler and Hilary Hoynes analyze the consequences of welfare reform, which limited eligibility for major cash assistance programs. Their analysis documents sizable declines in program participation for foreign-born families since the 1990s and suggests that the safety net has become less effective in lowering child poverty among immigrant households.

As the debate over immigration reform reemerges on the national agenda, Immigration, Poverty, and Socioeconomic Inequality provides a timely and authoritative review of the immigrant experience in the United States. With its wealth of data and intriguing hypotheses, the volume is an essential addition to the field of immigration studies.

DAVID CARD is Class of 1950 Professor of Economics at the University of California, Berkeley.

STEVEN RAPHAEL is professor of public policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley.

CONTRIBUTORS: Marianne P. Bitler, Irene Bloemraad, Sarah Bohn, Chistian Dustmann, Mark Ellis, Cybelle Fox, Tomasso Frattini, Robert G. Gonzales, Hilary W. Hoynes, Christel Kelser, Jennifer Lee,  Ethan Lewis, Magnus Lofstrom, Renee Reichl Luthra, Douglas S. Massey, Giovanni Peri, Michael A. Stoll, Matthew Townley, Roger Waldinger, Richard Wright, Min Zhou.

A Volume in the National Poverty Center Series on Poverty and Public Policy

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Cover image of the book Britain's War on Poverty
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Britain's War on Poverty

Author
Jane Waldfogel
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$39.95
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6 in. × 9 in. 280 pages
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978-0-87154-898-6
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“[Waldfogel’s] carefully researched and balanced account demonstrates that committed governments can indeed implement social policies that improve the well-being of their citizens. Her very readable assessment of the British experiment also has relevance for other countries, especially the United States, and her excellent book deserves to be widely consulted.”
—POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY 

“A developed country declaring a major war on poverty comes around once in a generation. People will want to know why they did it, how they went about it, but, even more crucially what the impact was on children. This book is the only one to cover all these dimensions and to do it with style. Britain’s War on Poverty isn’t about Britain—it’s about declaring war on poverty.”
—PAUL GREGG, University of Bristol 

“America had a war on poverty and poverty won; the United Kingdom has waged the same war and is winning it by making steady progress against child poverty. Their child poverty rate is down by half from its starting point, and children are demonstrably better off based on polices they adopted and consistently financed and delivered. Why did the Brits do so much better than the Americans? This splendid book convincingly shows why and how a ‘true to its aims,’ well-financed, and persistent war on poverty can work in an Anglo- Saxon democracy. Jane Waldfogel shows how and why policy can make a difference against poverty if it is a high priority for a nation. Britain’s War on Poverty should be widely and carefully read by social policy analysts and advocates who seek a better future for America’s young children.”
—TIMOTHY M. SMEEDING, University of Wisconsin–Madison 

“This timely volume tells the remarkable story of the British government’s attempt to end child poverty. Professor Waldfogel, who resides in the United Kingdom for several months every year, tells the story with color and passion, emphasizing the similarities and differences between anti-poverty policy in the United States and Britain. Perhaps most interesting and provocative are the lessons she draws from the British experience for a more sweeping commitment by America to greatly reduce the nation’s child poverty rate, which is now higher than it was in the 1970s. Scholars, advocates, and policymakers committed to reducing child poverty will find Britain’s War on Poverty packed with insights about how we should proceed.”
—RON HASKINS, Brookings Institution

In 1999, one in four British children lived in poverty—the third highest child poverty rate among industrialized countries. Five years later, the child poverty rate in Britain had fallen by more than half in absolute terms. How did the British government accomplish this and what can the United States learn from the British experience? Jane Waldfogel offers a sharp analysis of the New Labour government’s anti-poverty agenda, its dramatic early success and eventual stalled progress. Comparing Britain’s anti-poverty initiative to U.S. welfare reform, the book shows how the policies of both countries have affected child poverty, living standards, and well-being in low-income families and suggests next steps for future reforms.

Britain’s War on Poverty evaluates the three-pronged anti-poverty strategy employed by the British government and what these efforts accomplished. British reforms sought to promote work and make work pay, to increase financial support for families with children, and to invest in the health, early-life development, and education of children. The latter two features set the British reforms apart from the work-oriented U.S. welfare reforms, which did not specifically target income or program supports for children. Plagued by premature initiatives and what some experts called an overly ambitious agenda, the British reforms fell short of their intended goal but nevertheless significantly increased single-parent employment, raised incomes for low-income families, and improved child outcomes. Poverty has fallen, and the pattern of low-income family expenditures on child enrichment and healthy food has begun to converge with higher-income families.

As Waldfogel sees it, further success in reducing child poverty in Britain will rely on understanding who is poor and who is at highest risk. More than half of poor children live in families where at least one parent is working, followed by unemployed single- and two-parent homes, respectively. Poverty rates are also notably higher for children with disabled parents, large families, and for Pakistani and Bangladeshi children. Based on these demographics, Waldfogel argues that future reforms must, among other goals, raise working-family incomes, provide more work for single parents, and better engage high-risk racial and ethnic minority groups.

What can the United States learn from the British example? Britain’s War on Poverty is a primer in the triumphs and pitfalls of protracted policy. Notable differences distinguish the British and U.S. models, but Waldfogel asserts that a future U.S. poverty agenda must specifically address child poverty and the income inequality that helps create it. By any measurement and despite obstacles, Britain has significantly reduced child poverty. The book’s key lesson is that it can be done.

JANE WALDFOGEL is professor of social work and public affairs at the Columbia University School of Social Work and visiting professor at the Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

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Cover image of the book Old Assumptions, New Realities
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Old Assumptions, New Realities

Ensuring Economic Security for Working Families in the 21st Century
Editors
Robert D. Plotnick
Marcia K. Meyers
Jennifer Romich
Steven Rathgeb Smith
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6 in. × 9 in. 272 pages
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978-0-87154-698-2
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“Old Assumptions, New Realities deserves the attention of welfare analysts and policy-makers on both sides of the Atlantic as one of the first publications to tackle the future of the American welfare state.”
—SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW 

“[A]n impressive display of imaginative policy analysis that is practical, fact-based, value-laden, and thoughtful. This book is a must-read for sociologists interested in the evolution of new social policies and interested publics who are concerned that too many Americans are facing economic and social catastrophe.”
—CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY 

“Old Assumptions, New Realities brings together an impressive set of scholars offering new perspectives drawn from a rich diversity of disciplines and methods. By highlighting the key assumptions that underlie the U.S. social welfare system and whether these assumptions are appropriate, this book offers important insights on fundamental questions for social policy and research.”
—MARIA CANCIAN, professor of public affairs and social work and research affiliate, the Institute for Research on Poverty, the University of Wisconsin–Madison 

“Ambitious and bold, Old Assumptions, New Realities challenges the reader to think about the huge gap between the old assumptions underlying the American welfare state and the new economic and social realities in which American families and children live. The editors and authors also offer a cornucopia of practical good ideas to narrow the gap.”
—IRWIN GARFINKEL, Mitchell I. Ginsberg Professor of Contemporary Urban Problems and codirector of the Population Research Center, Columbia University 

“Over the past few decades, changes in labor markets and public policies have cast American families into a new era of insecurity. For low-skilled workers, the erosion of wages and paths to advancement has been exacerbated by a growing mismatch between social protections and social needs. How should we understand the new challenges we face, and how can we meet them effectively? Old Assumptions, New Realities is essential reading for anyone who seeks thoughtful and creative answers to these questions. The leading scholars assembled here provide a lucid and compelling analysis of the problem and offer innovative ideas for reform. This is publicly engaged social science at its best—an important intervention in public debate that is rooted in the best available research.”
—JOE SOSS, Cowles Chair for the Study of Public Service at the University of Minnesota

The way Americans live and work has changed significantly since the creation of the Social Security Administration in 1935, but U.S. social welfare policy has failed to keep up with these changes. The model of the male breadwinner-led nuclear family has given way to diverse and often complex family structures, more women in the workplace, and nontraditional job arrangements. Old Assumptions, New Realities identifies the tensions between twentieth-century social policy and twenty-first-century realities for working Americans and offers promising new reforms for ensuring social and economic security.

Old Assumptions, New Realities focuses on policy solutions for today’s workers—particularly low-skilled workers and low-income families. Contributor Jacob Hacker makes strong and timely arguments for universal health insurance and universal 401(k) retirement accounts. Michael Stoll argues that job training and workforce development programs can mitigate the effects of declining wages caused by deindustrialization, technological changes, racial discrimination, and other forms of job displacement. Michael Sherraden maintains that wealth-building accounts for children—similar to state college savings plans—and universal and progressive savings accounts for workers can be invaluable strategies for all workers, including the poorest. Jody Heymann and Alison Earle underscore the potential for more extensive work-family policies to help the United States remain competitive in a globalized economy. Finally, Jodi Sandfort suggests that the United States can restructure the existing safety net via state-level reforms but only with a host of coordinated efforts, including better information to service providers, budget analyses, new funding sources, and oversight by intermediary service professionals.

Old Assumptions, New Realities picks up where current policies leave off by examining what’s not working, why, and how the safety net can be redesigned to work better. The book brings much-needed clarity to the process of creating viable policy solutions that benefit all working Americans.

ROBERT D. PLOTNICK is professor of public affairs and adjunct professor of economics at the University of Washington.

MARCIA K. MEYERS is associate professor of social work and public affairs at the University of Washington.

JENNIFER ROMICH is associate professor of social work at the University of Washington.

STEVEN RATHGEB SMITH is Nancy Bell Evans Professor of Public Affairs at the Daniel J. Evans School of Public Affairs, University of Washington.

A West Coast Poverty Center Volume

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Cover image of the book Good Jobs, Bad Jobs
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Good Jobs, Bad Jobs

The Rise of Polarized and Precarious Employment Systems in the United States, 1970s to 2000s
Author
Arne L. Kalleberg
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$34.95
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A Volume in the American Sociological Association’s Rose Series in Sociology

Winner of the 2012 Academy of Management's George R. Terry Book Award

Winner of the 2013 Inequality, Poverty, and Mobility Outstanding Book Award Presented by the American Sociological Association's Section on Inequality, Poverty, and Mobility

"Arne Kalleberg has written the definitive volume on our precarious, polarized U.S. labor market. This engagingly written tour of the American workplace illuminates its subject matter beautifully."
-CHRIS TILLY, director, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UCLA

"Good Jobs, Bad Jobs powerfully documents the profound transformation that the U.S. labor market has undergone since the mid-1970s. In a lucid and compelling analysis, Arne L. Kalleberg exposes the complex dynamics driving the sharp polarization between 'good jobs' and 'bad jobs' as well as the accompanying decline in employment security that has affected workers at all levels. This is a thoughtful book that is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding the situation of workers in twenty-first- century America."
-RUTH MILKMAN, professor of sociology, CUNY Graduate Center and the Joseph S. Murphy Institute for Worker Education and Labor Studies

The economic boom of the 1990s veiled a grim reality: in addition to the growing gap between rich and poor, the gap between good and bad quality jobs was also expanding. The postwar prosperity of the mid-twentieth century had enabled millions of American workers to join the middle class, but as author Arne L. Kalleberg shows, by the 1970s this upward movement had slowed, in part due to the steady disappearance of secure, well-paying industrial jobs. Ever since, precarious employment has been on the rise—paying low wages, offering few benefits, and with virtually no long-term security. Today, the polarization between workers with higher skill levels and those with low skills and low wages is more entrenched than ever. Good Jobs, Bad Jobs traces this trend to large-scale transformations in the American labor market and the changing demographics of low-wage workers. Kalleberg draws on nearly four decades of survey data, as well as his own research, to evaluate trends in U.S. job quality and suggest ways to improve American labor market practices and social policies.

Good Jobs, Bad Jobs provides an insightful analysis of how and why precarious employment is gaining ground in the labor market and the role these developments have played in the decline of the middle class. Kalleberg shows that by the 1970s, government deregulation, global competition, and the rise of the service sector gained traction, while institutional protections for workers—such as unions and minimum-wage legislation—weakened. Together, these forces marked the end of postwar security for American workers. The composition of the labor force also changed significantly; the number of dual-earner families increased, as did the share of the workforce comprised of women, non-white, and immigrant workers. Of these groups, blacks, Latinos, and immigrants remain concentrated in the most precarious and low-quality jobs, with educational attainment being the leading indicator of who will earn the highest wages and experience the most job security and highest levels of autonomy and control over their jobs and schedules. Kalleberg demonstrates, however, that building a better safety net—increasing government responsibility for worker health care and retirement, as well as strengthening unions—can go a long way toward redressing the effects of today’s volatile labor market.

There is every reason to expect that the growth of precarious jobs—which already make up a significant share of the American job market—will continue. Good Jobs, Bad Jobs deftly shows that the decline in U.S. job quality is not the result of fluctuations in the business cycle, but rather the result of economic restructuring and the disappearance of institutional protections for workers. Only government, employers and labor working together on long-term strategies—including an expanded safety net, strengthened legal protections, and better training opportunities—can help reverse this trend.

ARNE L. KALLEBERG is Kenan Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

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Cover image of the book Whose Rights?
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Whose Rights?

Counterterrorism and the Dark Side of American Public Opinion
Authors
Clem Brooks
Jeff Manza
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$39.95
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6 in. × 9 in. 202 pages
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978-0-87154-058-4
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“Whose Rights? is a brilliant foray into the complex relationship between counter-terrorism and public opinion. Using a variety of analytic approaches, the authors demonstrate the compelling place of mass opinion in American foreign policy—dynamics that have still received little sustained attention given their import in a democracy. Anyone interested in the evolution of public policy and political activity related to counterterrorism should study the findings here, which will greatly accelerate our understanding of the war on terror.”
—SUSAN HERBST, president, University of Connecticut

“Anyone interested in American democracy and good and bad sides of public opinion needs to read this book. Whose Rights? will re-shape they we all think about the public and how democracies work.”
—JAMES N. DRUCKMAN, Payson S. Wild Professor of Political Science and faculty fellow at the Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University

In the wake of the September 11 attacks, the U.S. government adopted a series of counterterrorism policies that radically altered the prevailing balance between civil liberties and security. These changes allowed for warrantless domestic surveillance, military commissions at Guantanamo Bay and even extralegal assassinations. Now, more than a decade after 9/11, these sharply contested measures appear poised to become lasting features of American government. What do Americans think about these policies? Where do they draw the line on what the government is allowed to do in the name of fighting terrorism? Drawing from a wealth of survey and experimental data, Whose Rights? explores the underlying sources of public attitudes toward the war on terror in a more detailed and comprehensive manner than has ever been attempted.

In an analysis that deftly deploys the tools of political science and psychology, Whose Rights? addresses a vexing puzzle: Why does the counterterrorism agenda persist even as 9/11 recedes in time and the threat from Al Qaeda wanes? Authors Clem Brooks and Jeff Manza provocatively argue that American opinion, despite traditionally showing strong support for civil liberties, exhibits a “dark side” that tolerates illiberal policies in the face of a threat. Surveillance of American citizens, heightened airport security, the Patriot Act and targeted assassinations enjoy broad support among Americans, and these preferences have remained largely stable over the past decade. There are, however, important variations: Waterboarding and torture receive notably low levels of support, and counterterrorism activities sanctioned by formal legislation, as opposed to covert operations, tend to draw more favor. To better evaluate these trends, Whose Rights? examines the concept of “threat-priming” and finds that getting people to think about the specter of terrorism bolsters anew their willingness to support coercive measures. A series of experimental surveys also yields fascinating insight into the impact of national identity cues. When respondents are primed to think that American citizens would be targeted by harsh counterterrorism policies, support declines significantly. On the other hand, groups such as Muslims, foreigners, and people of Middle Eastern background elicit particularly negative attitudes and increase support for counterterrorism measures. Under the right conditions, Brooks and Manza show, American support for counterterrorism activities can be propelled upward by simple reminders of past terrorism plots and communication about disliked external groups.

Whose Rights? convincingly argues that mass opinion plays a central role in the politics of contemporary counterterrorism policy. With their clarity and compelling evidence, Brooks and Manza offer much-needed insight into the policy responses to the defining conflict of our age and the psychological impact of terrorism.

CLEM BROOKS is professor of sociology at Indiana University, Bloomington.

JEFF MANZA is professor of sociology at New York University.

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Cover image of the book Rethinking the Financial Crisis
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Rethinking the Financial Crisis

Editors
Alan S. Blinder
Andrew W. Lo
Robert M. Solow
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$59.95
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6 in. × 9 in. 374 pages
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978-0-87154-810-8
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“This is an extremely interesting book. By now, many of us think we are already familiar with the basic causes of the financial crisis, but Rethinking the Financial Crisis will change our thinking. It is backed by a broad array of carefully researched facts and theoretical structure.”
—ROBERT J. SHILLER , Arthur M. Okun Professor of Economics, Yale University

“As well as its consequences for the economy, the financial crisis has left an indelible mark on the way that economists approach their subject. Our understanding of the crisis is still evolving, but this thought-provoking book provides a welcome opportunity to take stock of how far we have come. The chapters—all written by the leaders in their field— provide a sweeping overview, from the origins of the crisis to its consequences for the economy and the wider lessons to be learned in order not to repeat past mistakes. Rethinking the Financial Crisis is required reading for those who wish to keep up to date on the journey that economics and economists are taking in the wake of the crisis.”
—HYUN SONG SHIN, Hughes-Rogers Professor of Economics, Princeton University

Some economic events are so major and unsettling that they “change everything.” Such is the case with the financial crisis that started in the summer of 2007 and is still a drag on the world economy. Yet enough time has now elapsed for economists to consider questions that run deeper than the usual focus on the immediate causes and consequences of the crisis. How have these stunning events changed our thinking about the role of the financial system in the economy, about the costs and benefits of financial innovation, about the efficiency of financial markets, and about the role the government should play in regulating finance? In Rethinking the Financial Crisis, some of the nation’s most renowned economists share their assessments of particular aspects of the crisis and reconsider the way we think about the financial system and its role in the economy.

In its wide-ranging inquiry into the financial crash, Rethinking the Financial Crisis marshals an impressive collection of rigorous and yet empirically-relevant research that, in some respects, upsets the conventional wisdom about the crisis and also opens up new areas for exploration. Two separate chapters–by Burton G. Malkiel and by Hersh Shefrin and Meir Statman – debate whether the facts of the financial crisis upend the efficient market hypothesis and require a more behavioral account of financial market performance. To build a better bridge between the study of finance and the “real” economy of production and employment, Simon Gilchrist and Egan Zakrasjek take an innovative measure of financial stress and embed it in a model of the U.S. economy to assess how disruptions in financial markets affect economic activity—and how the Federal Reserve might do monetary policy better. The volume also examines the crucial role of financial innovation in the evolution of the pre-crash financial system. Thomas Philippon documents the huge increase in the size of the financial services industry relative to real GDP, and also the increasing cost per financial transaction. He suggests that the finance industry of 1900 was just as able to produce loans, bonds, and stocks as its modern counterpart—and it did so more cheaply. Robert Jarrow looks in detail at some of the major types of exotic securities developed by financial engineers, such as collateralized debt obligations and credit-default swaps, reaching judgments on which make the real economy more efficient and which do not. The volume’s final section turns explicitly to regulatory matters. Robert Litan discusses the political economy of financial regulation before and after the crisis. He reviews the provisions of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010, which he considers an imperfect but useful response to a major breakdown in market and regulatory discipline.

At a time when the financial sector continues to be a source of considerable controversy, Rethinking the Financial Crisis addresses important questions about the complex workings of American finance and shows how the study of economics needs to change to deepen our understanding of the indispensable but risky role that the financial system plays in modern economies.

ALAN S. BLINDER is the Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University.

ANDREW W. LO is Charles E. and Susan T. Harris Professor at M.I.T.

ROBERT M. SOLOW is Institute Professor, Emeritus, at M.I.T.

CONTRIBUTORS:  Ben S. Bernanke,  Patrick Bolton,  J. Bradford DeLong,  Christopher L. Foote,  Kristopher S. Gerardi, Simon G. Gilchrist,  John Hull,  Robert A. Jarrow,  Robert E. Litan,  Burton G. Malkiel,  Kevin J. Murphy,  Thomas Philippon,  Tano Santon,  Jose A. Scheinkman, Hersh Shefrin,  Meir Statman,  Alan White,  Paul S. Willen,  Egon Zakrajsek. 

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Cover image of the book Coping with Crisis
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Coping with Crisis

Government Reactions to the Great Recession
Editors
Nancy Bermeo
Jonas Pontusson
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$52.50
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6 in. × 9 in. 430 pages
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978-0-87154-076-8
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Winner of a RIPE Read Award from the Review of International Political Economy

“This important book provides insight into understanding the different ways countries are dealing with the economic crisis of our period and will thus be extremely valuable to all specialists of international and comparative political economy.”
—Peter Gourevitch, University of California, San Diego

“Coping with Crisis speaks to the crucial mysteries of life after the global economic crisis, and to the widespread confusion about what governments should and can do to rescue us from the current malaise. An impressive group of scholars reflects on policymakers’ capacities for action, the relative weight of international imperatives and domestic power balances in delimiting policy solutions, the lessons of past major downturns in charting a path for current recovery, and the capacities of states to forge a new democratic consensus. This elegantly argued, wonderfully perceptive book addresses a central fear of the twenty-first century: that the new global order is unhinged from mechanisms of democratic or even elite-expert control.”
—Cathie Jo Martin, Boston University

The financial crisis that erupted on Wall Street in 2008 quickly cascaded throughout much of the advanced industrial world. Facing the specter of another Great Depression, policymakers across the globe responded in sharply different ways to avert an economic collapse. Why did the response to the crisis—and its impact on individual countries—vary so greatly among interdependent economies? How did political factors like public opinion and domestic interest groups shape policymaking in this moment of economic distress? Coping with Crisis offers a rigorous analysis of the choices societies made as a devastating global economic crisis unfolded.

With an ambitiously broad range of inquiry, Coping with Crisis examines the interaction between international and domestic politics to shed new light on the inner workings of democratic politics. The volume opens with an engaging overview of the global crisis and the role played by international bodies like the G-20 and the WTO. In his survey of international initiatives in response to the recession, Eric Helleiner emphasizes the limits of multilateral crisis management, finding that domestic pressures were more important in reorienting fiscal policy. He also argues that unilateral decisions by national governments to hold large dollar reserves played the key role in preventing a dollar crisis, which would have considerably worsened the downturn. David R. Cameron discusses the fiscal responses of the European Union and its member states. He suggests that a profound coordination problem involving fiscal and economic policy impeded the European Union's ability to respond in a timely and effective manner. The volume also features several case studies and country comparisons. Nolan McCarty assesses the performance of the American political system during the crisis. He argues that the downturn did little to dampen elite polarization in the United States; divisions within the Democratic Party—as well as the influence of the financial sector—narrowed the range of policy options available to fight the crisis. Ben W. Ansell examines how fluctuations in housing prices in thirty developed countries affected the policy preferences of both citizens and political parties. His evidence shows that as housing prices increased, homeowners expressed preferences for both lower taxes and a smaller safety net. As more citizens supplement their day-to-day income with assets like stocks and housing, Ansell's research reveals a potentially significant trend in the formation of public opinion.

Five years on, the prospects for a prolonged slump in economic activity remain high, and the policy choices going forward are contentious. But the policy changes made between 2007 and 2010 will likely constrain any new initiatives in the future. Coping with Crisis offers unmatched analysis of the decisions made in the developed world during this critical period. It is an essential read for scholars of comparative politics and anyone interested in a comprehensive account of the new international politics of austerity.

NANCY BERMEO is the Nuffield Professor of comparative politics at Oxford University, Oxford, U.K.

JONAS PONTUSSON is professor of comparative politics at the University of Geneva, Switzerland.

CONTRIBUTORS: Ben W. Ansell, Klaus Armingeon, Lucio Baccaro, Lucy Barnes, David R. Cameron, Eric Helleiner, Torben Iversen, Johannes Lindvall, Nolan McCarty, David Rueda, Waltraud Schelkle, David Soskice, Yves Tiberghien, Anne Wren.

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Cover image of the book The Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities
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The Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities

Editors
Barbara Wolfe
William N. Evans
Teresa E. Seeman
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$52.50
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6 in. × 9 in. 292 pages
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978-0-87154-892-4
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“The Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities is a very timely book by an interdisciplinary group of experts that presents compelling new information about the neurobiological and systemic health consequences of socioeconomic inequalities, and it discusses some encouraging approaches for intervention using biomarkers for assessment. The emphasis on biomarkers is particularly important for demonstrating how the social environment of inequality ‘gets under the skin’ and presents both a challenge and an opportunity for this important field.”
—Bruce S. McEwen, The Rockefeller University

“The usual paradigm is to consider that socioeconomic status, environmental and genetic factors all affect a person’s health, but this book broadens that paradigm by examining also how socioeconomic and environmental factors directly affect the expression of genes and specific biological processes that themselves affect health and disease. In short, while others have shown that income affects health and health affects income, The Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities examines the mechanisms through which income affects biological processes that affect health and cognition. This interdisciplinary book provides essential reading for researchers in the social and biological sciences interested in the income-health gradient, lays a useful foundation for the new field of individually customized medicine, and improves our understanding of how behaviors, stress, and cognitive-emotional processes lead to variation in biological functioning and disease.”
—Randall P. Ellis, Boston University, and past president, American Society of Health Economist

Social scientists have repeatedly uncovered a disturbing feature of economic inequality: people with larger incomes and better education tend to lead longer, healthier lives. This pattern holds across all ages and for virtually all measures of health, apparently indicating a biological dimension of inequality. But scholars have only begun to understand the complex mechanisms that drive this disparity. How exactly do financial well-being and human physiology interact? The Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities incorporates insights from the social and biological sciences to quantify the biology of disadvantage and to assess how poverty gets under the skin to impact health.

Drawing from unusually rich datasets of biomarkers, brain scans, and socioeconomic measures, Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities illustrates exciting new paths to understanding social inequalities in health. Barbara Wolfe, William N. Evans and Nancy Adler begin the volume with a critical evaluation of the literature on income and health, providing a lucid review of the difficulties of establishing clear causal pathways between the two variables. In their chapter, Arun S. Karlamangla, Tara L. Gruenewald, and Teresa E. Seeman outline the potential of biomarkers—such as cholesterol, heart pressure, and C-reactive protein—to assess and indicate the factors underlying health. Edith Chen, Hannah M. C. Schreier, and Meanne Chan reveal the empirical power of biomarkers by examining asthma, a condition steeply correlated with socioeconomic status. Their analysis shows how stress at the individual, family, and neighborhood levels can increase the incidence of asthma. The volume then turns to cognitive neuroscience, using biomarkers in a new way to examine the impact of poverty on brain development. Jamie Hanson, Nicole Hair, Amitabh Chandra, Ed Moss, Jay Bhattacharya, Seth D. Pollack, and Barbara Wolfe use a longitudinal Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) study of children between the ages of four and eighteen to study the link between poverty and limited cognition among children. Michelle C. Carlson, Christopher L. Seplaki, and Teresa E. Seeman also focus on brain development to examine the role of socioeconomic status in cognitive decline among older adults.

Featuring insights from the biological and social sciences, Biological Consequences of Socioeconomic Inequalities will be an essential resource for scholars interested in socioeconomic disparities and the biological imprint that material deprivation leaves on the human body.

BARBARA WOLFE is professor of public affairs, economics, and population health sciences at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

WILLIAM N. EVANS is Keough-Hesburge Professor of Economics in the Department of Economics at the University of Notre Dame.

TERESA E. SEEMAN is professor of medicine and epidemiology in the school of public health at the University of California, Los Angeles.

CONTRIBUTORS: Nancy Adler, Jay Bhattacharya, Michelle C. Carlson, Meanne Chan, Amitabh Chandra, Edith Chen, William H. Dow, William Evans, Elliot Friedman, Tara L. Gruenewald, Daniel A. Hackman, Nicole Hair, Jamie Hanson, Arun S. Karlamangla, Catarine Kiefe, Ed Moss, Seth D. Pollak, David H. Rehkopf, Hannah M. C. Schreier, Teresa E. Seeman, Christopher L. Seplaki, Barbara Wolfe

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Cover image of the book The American Non-Dilemma
Books

The American Non-Dilemma

Racial Inequality Without Racism
Author
Nancy DiTomaso
Paperback
$52.50
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6 in. × 9 in. 430 pages
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978-0-87154-080-5
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Winner of the 2013 C. Wright Mills Award from the Society for the Study of Social Problems

Winner of the 2014 Book Award from the Inequality, Poverty, and Mobility Section of the American Sociological Association

Runner Up, 2014 Academy of Management's George R. Terry Book Award

“Nancy DiTomaso seriously challenges the framing of racial issues in the United States. Informed by interviews with non-Hispanic whites from three areas of the country, she not only convincingly reveals how racial inequality can be maintained and perpetuated without racism, but also how most whites absolve themselves of guilt feelings about race. The American Non-Dilemma is replete with new insights on a historic domestic problem.”
—WILLIAM JULIUS WILSON, Harvard University

“Scholars in the humanities are expert at analyzing absences—the pause in the music’s beat, the white space in the painting, the protagonist’s missing child in the novel. But social scientists are generally very poor at analyzing nonevents. In The American Non-
Dilemma, Nancy DiTomaso expertly reveals what Americans do not say, because of what they do not see. Whites’ inability to perceive the benefits of racial privilege, even in the context of economic struggles, helps us to understand how racial hierarchy persists in a nation committed to equal opportunity.”
—JENNIFER HOCHSCHILD, Harvard University

The Civil Rights movement of the 1960s seemed to mark a historical turning point in advancing the American dream of equal opportunity for all citizens, regardless of race. Yet 50 years on, racial inequality remains a troubling fact of life in American society and its causes are highly contested. In The American Non-Dilemma, sociologist Nancy DiTomaso convincingly argues that America's enduring racial divide is sustained more by whites' preferential treatment of members of their own social networks than by overt racial discrimination. Drawing on research from sociology, political science, history, and psychology, as well as her own interviews with a cross-section of non-Hispanic whites, DiTomaso provides a comprehensive examination of the persistence of racial inequality in the post-Civil Rights era and how it plays out in today's economic and political context.

Taking Gunnar Myrdal's classic work on America's racial divide, The American Dilemma, as her departure point, DiTomaso focuses on "the white side of the race line." To do so, she interviewed a sample of working, middle, and upper-class whites about their life histories, political views, and general outlook on racial inequality in America. While the vast majority of whites profess strong support for civil rights and equal opportunity regardless of race, they continue to pursue their own group-based advantage, especially in the labor market where whites tend to favor other whites in securing jobs protected from market competition. This "opportunity hoarding" leads to substantially improved life outcomes for whites due to their greater access to social resources from family, schools, churches, and other institutions with which they are engaged.

DiTomaso also examines how whites understand the persistence of racial inequality in a society where whites are, on average, the advantaged racial group. Most whites see themselves as part of the solution rather than part of the problem with regard to racial inequality. Yet they continue to harbor strong reservations about public policies—such as affirmative action—intended to ameliorate racial inequality. In effect, they accept the principles of civil rights but not the implementation of policies that would bring about greater racial equality. DiTomaso shows that the political engagement of different groups of whites is affected by their views of how civil rights policies impact their ability to provide advantages to family and friends. This tension between civil and labor rights is evident in Republicans' use of anti-civil rights platforms to attract white voters, and in the efforts of Democrats to bridge race and class issues, or civil and labor rights broadly defined. As a result, DiTomaso finds that whites are, at best, uncertain allies in the fight for racial equality.

Weaving together research on both race and class, along with the life experiences of DiTomaso's interview subjects, The American Non-Dilemma provides a compelling exploration of how racial inequality is reproduced in today's society, how people come to terms with the issue in their day-to-day experiences, and what these trends may signify in the contemporary political landscape.

NANCY DITOMASO is professor of organization management at Rutgers University.

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Cover image of the book Documenting Desegregation
Books

Documenting Desegregation

Racial and Gender Segregation in Private-Sector Employment Since the Civil Rights Act
Authors
Kevin Stainback
Donald Tomaskovic-Devey
Paperback
$55.00
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6 in. × 9 in. 412 pages
ISBN
978-0-87154-834-4
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“Documenting Desegregation uses remarkable data to chart the history of workplace integration since 1966, showing where, when, and hence why firms changed. The lessons are many: black men’s gains stalled when Reagan took the White House; white women saw progress until the new millennium; affirmative action played a positive role. This meticulously researched, compelling book provides not only a much needed history of the revolution in the labor market, but important lessons for how the United States can continue to pursue equality of opportunity.”
—Frank Dobbin, Harvard University

“With comprehensive data on private-sector employers, this book reveals the changing narratives of inequality by race and gender in American society from the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 through 2005. The Civil Rights Act ended hypersegregation by race and sex, but employment progress for African American men and women has largely stalled since 1980. White women have continued to see gains over the period, but the employment advantages of white men have persisted and taken on new forms in the modern workplace. The sweeping patterns of racial and gender inequality that marked the beginning of the Civil Rights era have been replaced by workplace-level inequality regimes that are shaped by labor-market, legal, political, and normative environments. Documenting Desegregation is a landmark contribution to our understanding of the shifting character of inequality in American society.”
—Robert L. Nelson, Northwestern University

Enacted nearly fifty years ago, the Civil Rights Act codified a new vision for American society by formally ending segregation and banning race and gender discrimination in the workplace. But how much change did the legislation actually produce? As employers responded to the law, did new and more subtle forms of inequality emerge in the workplace? In an insightful analysis that combines history with a rigorous empirical analysis of newly available data, Documenting Desegregation offers the most comprehensive account to date of what has happened to equal opportunity in America—and what needs to be done in order to achieve a truly integrated workforce.

Weaving strands of history, cognitive psychology, and demography, Documenting Desgregation provides a compelling exploration of the ways legislation can affect employer behavior and produce change. Authors Kevin Stainback and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey use a remarkable historical record—data from more than six million workplaces collected by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) since 1966—to present a sobering portrait of race and gender in the American workplace. Progress has been decidedly uneven: black men, black women, and white women have prospered in firms that rely on educational credentials when hiring, though white women have advanced more quickly. And white men have hardly fallen behind—they now hold more managerial positions than they did in 1964. The authors argue that the Civil Rights Act's equal opportunity clauses have been most effective when accompanied by social movements demanding changes. EEOC data show that African American men made rapid gains in the 1960s at the height of the Civil Rights movement. Similarly, white women gained access to more professional and managerial jobs in the 1970s as regulators and policymakers began to enact and enforce gender discrimination laws. By the 1980s, however, racial desegregation had stalled, reflecting the dimmed status of the Civil Rights agenda. Racial and gender employment segregation remain high today, and, alarmingly, many firms, particularly in high-wage industries, seem to be moving in the wrong direction and have shown signs of resegregating since the 1980s. To counter this worrying trend, the authors propose new methods to increase diversity by changing industry norms, holding human resources managers to account, and exerting renewed government pressure on large corporations to make equal employment opportunity a national priority.

At a time of high unemployment and rising inequality, Documenting Desegregation provides an incisive re-examination of America's tortured pursuit of equal employment opportunity. This important new book will be an indispensable guide for those seeking to understand where America stands in fulfilling its promise of a workplace free from discrimination.

KEVIN STAINBACK is assistant professor of sociology at Purdue University.

DONALD TOMASKOVIC-DEVEY is professor of sociology at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.

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