"Homeland Insecurity is rare in its ability to connect governmental policies at the national level with events on the ground in Chicago. Cainkar documents the War on Terror with a strong critical eye, showing how it was animated by a combination of local and global forces, by an American media culture that was prone to depict Muslims and Islam negatively, and by deep historical patterns of anti-Arab racism. Intimate ethnography, based on years of acquaintance with Chicago's Arab communities, and savvy political commentary, backed up by painstaking research, come together in this forceful study, which will double as a guidebook to those who want to understand, and undermine, the mechanics of anti-Arab and anti-Muslim politics in the U.S. today."
-ANDREW SHRYOCK, Arthur F. Thurnau Professor of Anthropology, University of Michigan

"This book turns the Bush Administration's concept of homeland security on its head. Where the government treated Arab Americans and Muslim Americans as potential threats to the security of the United States, Louise Cainkar documents the U.S. government's threats to the security of these minority populations, almost none of whom were ever shown to be dangerous. In the words of one of Cainkar's interviewees, 'After September 11, I don't think anybody felt safe ... but Muslims definitely did not feel safe.'"
-CHARLES KURZMAN, professor of sociology, University of North Carolina

In the aftermath of 9/11, many Arab and Muslim Americans came under intense scrutiny by federal and local authorities, as well as their own neighbors, on the chance that they might know, support, or actually be terrorists. As Louise Cainkar observes, even U.S.-born Arabs and Muslims were portrayed as outsiders, an image that was amplified in the months after the attacks. She argues that 9/11 did not create anti-Arab and anti-Muslim suspicion; rather, their socially constructed images and social and political exclusion long before these attacks created an environment in which misunderstanding and hostility could thrive and the government could defend its use of profiling. Combining analysis and ethnography, Homeland Insecurity provides an intimate view of what it means to be an Arab or a Muslim in a country set on edge by the worst terrorist attack in its history.

Focusing on the metropolitan Chicago area, Cainkar conducted more than a hundred research interviews and five in-depth oral histories. In this, the most comprehensive ethnographic study of the post-9/11 period for American Arabs and Muslims, native-born and immigrant Palestinians, Egyptians, Lebanese, Iraqis, Yemenis, Sudanese, Jordanians, and others speak candidly about their lives as well as their experiences with government, public mistrust, discrimination, and harassment after 9/11. The book reveals that Arab Muslims were more likely to be attacked in certain spatial contexts than others and that Muslim women wearing the hijab were more vulnerable to assault than men, as their head scarves were interpreted by some as a rejection of American culture. Even as the 9/11 Commission never found any evidence that members of Arab- or Muslim-American communities were involved in the attacks, respondents discuss their feelings of insecurity—a heightened sense of physical vulnerability and exclusion from the guarantees of citizenship afforded other Americans.

Yet the vast majority of those interviewed for Homeland Insecurity report feeling optimistic about the future of Arab and Muslim life in the United States. Most of the respondents talked about their increased interest in the teachings of Islam, whether to counter anti-Muslim slurs or to better educate themselves. Governmental and popular hostility proved to be a springboard for heightened social and civic engagement. Immigrant organizations, religious leaders, civil rights advocates, community organizers, and others defended Arabs and Muslims and built networks with their organizations. Local roundtables between Arab and Muslim leaders, law enforcement, and homeland security agencies developed better understanding of Arab and Muslim communities. These post-9/11 changes have given way to stronger ties and greater inclusion in American social and political life.

Will the United States extend its values of freedom and inclusion beyond the politics of “us” and “them” stirred up after 9/11? The answer is still not clear. Homeland Insecurity is keenly observed and adds Arab and Muslim American voices to this still-unfolding period in American history.

LOUISE A. CAINKAR is assistant professor of sociology and social justice at Marquette University.

"In the last few years, there has emerged an animated national conversation about problems faced by-and posed by-people who have been to prison. Regardless of one's politics, we can all agree that we share an interest in discovering and enacting policies that will help the formerly incarcerated `make it.' But good policies require good data, and to date there has been a dearth of information to help us think realistically and critically about the circumstances facing people who leave prison. This important book fills a gap in our knowledge about the labor market prospects people returning from prison face, and it provides an invaluable foundation for the much-needed policy work in that area. The contributors are some of the most skilled social scientists working in the area, and the methods and data they use to shed light on this policy problem are uniquely suited to help advance our knowledge. Anyone who is interested in reentry will find Barriers to Reentry? a treasure trove of findings to spur their creative thinking."
-Todd R. Clear, Distinguished Professor of Criminal Justice, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, The City University of New York

"Hundreds of thousands of ex-offenders are released from prison every year. Most fare poorly. Employers hire them as a last resort, their employment and wage experience is poor, rehabilitation programs do too little, too late. Three quarters recividate. The compelling statistic analysis in Barriers to Reentry? shows that the United States should seek alternatives to the mass incarceration of nonviolent offenders."
-Richard B. Freeman, Herbert Ascherman Chair in Economics, Harvard University

"The chapters in this volume cut below the surface of the obvious correlation between incarceration and poor labor market outcomes to identify potential policy options and the groups in the population who will be most likely to benefit. As a whole, the book offers a thorough analysis of institutions driving labor markets for those with prison experience and criminal records. The evidence assembled is not generally optimistic about the prospects for improving labor market outcomes for those recently released from prison. For anyone working to improve the economic status of former inmates, Barriers to Reentry? is an invaluable analysis of the realities they must confront."
-Anne Piehl, associate professor of economics, Rutgers University

With the introduction of more aggressive policing, prosecution, and sentencing since the late 1970s, the number of Americans in prison has increased dramatically. While many have credited these “get tough” policies with lowering violent crime rates, we are only just beginning to understand the broader costs of mass incarceration. In Barriers to Reentry? experts on labor markets and the criminal justice system investigate how imprisonment affects ex-offenders’ employment prospects, and how the challenge of finding work after prison affects the likelihood that they will break the law again and return to prison.

The authors examine the intersection of imprisonment and employment from many vantage points, including employer surveys, interviews with former prisoners, and state data on prison employment programs and post-incarceration employment rates. Ex-prisoners face many obstacles to re-entering the job market—from employers’ fears of negligent hiring lawsuits to the lost opportunities for acquiring work experience while incarcerated. In a study of former prisoners, Becky Pettit and Christopher Lyons find that employment among this group was actually higher immediately after their release than before they were incarcerated, but that over time their employment rate dropped to their pre-imprisonment levels. Exploring the demand side of the equation, Harry Holzer, Steven Raphael, and Michael Stoll report on their survey of employers in Los Angeles about the hiring of former criminals, in which they find strong evidence of pervasive hiring discrimination against ex-prisoners. Devah Pager finds similar evidence of employer discrimination in an experiment in which Milwaukee employers were presented with applications for otherwise comparable jobseekers, some of whom had criminal records and some of whom did not. Such findings are particularly troubling in light of research by Steven Raphael and David Weiman which shows that ex-criminals are more likely to violate parole if they are unemployed. In a concluding chapter, Bruce Western warns that prison is becoming the norm for too many inner-city minority males; by preventing access to the labor market, mass incarceration is exacerbating inequality. Western argues that, ultimately, the most successful policies are those that keep young men out of prison in the first place.

Promoting social justice and reducing recidivism both demand greater efforts to reintegrate former prisoners into the workforce. Barriers to Reentry? cogently underscores one of the major social costs of incarceration, and builds a compelling case for rethinking the way our country rehabilitates criminals.

SHAWN BUSHWAY is professor of criminal justice at the University at Albany.

MICHAEL A. STOLL is professor of public policy at the University of California, Los Angeles.

DAVID F. WEIMAN is professor of economics at Barnard College, Columbia University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Shauna Briggs, Shawn Bushway, Harry J. Holzer, Vera Kachnowski, Jeffrey R. Kling, Christopher J. Lyons, Devah Pager, Becky Pettit, Steven Raphael, William J. Sabol, Michael A. Stoll, Faye Taxman, Meridith Thanner, John H. Tyler, Mischelle Van Brakle, Christy A. Visher, David F. Weiman, and Bruce Western

Now available in paperback, this provocative study examines the street-level decisions made by police, caught between a sometimes hostile community and a maze of departmental regulations. Probing the dynamics of three sample police departments, Brown reveals the factors that shape how officers wield their powers of discretion. Chief among these factors, he contends, is the highly bureaucratic organization of the modern police department.

A new epilogue, prepared for this edition, focuses on the structure and operation of urban police forces in the 1980s.

"Add this book to the short list of important analyses of the police at work....Places the difficult job of policing firmly within its political, organizational, and professional constraints...Worth reading and thinking about." —Crime & Delinquency

"An excellent contribution...Adds significantly to our understanding of contemporary police." —Sociology

"A critical analysis of policing as a social and political phenomenon....A major contribution." —Choice

MICHAEL K. BROWN is emeritus professor of politics, University of California, Santa Cruz

Emphasizing the importance of the psychosocial and cultural background of the individual patient, the final study suggests methods of acquiring this information and the ways in which the staff can then utilize these findings to best advantage both in initial contact and in planning comprehensive patient care.

ESTHER L. BROWN joined the Russell Sage Foundation in Manhattan in 1930 as a research associate and at her retirement in 1963 was its director of executive program planning.

This study focuses on the staff who provide direct patient care, viewing hospital personnel in interaction with patients and in their own work groups. It examines the psychosocial needs characteristic of most workers and suggests ways to meet them to encourage increased staff motivation and competence.

ESTHER L. BROWN joined the Russell Sage Foundation in Manhattan in 1930 as a research associate and at her retirement in 1963 was its director of executive program planning.

This first study considers patients' frequent complaints about anxiety, frustration, loneliness, boredom, and uselessness. It suggests changes, some of an almost obvious nature, which might be made in the physical and social environment of the wards to reduce the sense of strangeness and the cold, impersonal atmosphere that aggravate these discomforts.

ESTHER L. BROWN joined the Russell Sage Foundation in Manhattan in 1930 as a research associate and at her retirement in 1963 was its director of executive program planning.

Winner of the 2000 James S. Coleman Best Book Award from the Rational Choice Section of the American Sociological Association

Institutions play a pivotal role in the economic functioning of any society. Understanding the foundation of social norms, networks, and beliefs within institutions is crucial to explaining much of what occurs in modern economies. Recently, economic sociologists have explored how ties among individuals and groups facilitate economic activity, while "institutional economists" have focused on the formal "rules of the game" that regulate economic processes via government and law. The New Institutionalism in Sociology argues that a full understanding of economic life will depend on blending these new lines of research on institutions with traditional sociological insights into the social structures that lie at their core.

The contributors to this volume explore many questions about the way institutions emerge and operate. How do grassroots mores and practices evolve to an institutional level? How do institutional norms then regulate economic activity, and what are the advantages of formal versus informal constraints? What are the sources of trust and cooperation in trading markets? What role do cultural networks play in the economic survival of immigrant communities? And how does conflict and bargaining affect the evolution of community norms?

The New Institutionalism in Sociology also discusses how economic fluctuations arise from interactions between local agencies and the institutional environment. Among the topics addressed here are the influence of labor activism on the distribution of income, the association between highly competitive "winner-take-all" job markets and increased wage inequality in the United States, and the effect of property right conventions on technical innovation and productivity in pre-industrial England. A final section explores how deeply embedded cultural traditions have colored the transition from state socialism to market economies in Eastern Europe.

The New Institutionalism in Sociology establishes a valuable template for a sociological conception of economic organization. Its interdisciplinary paradigm signals an important advance in understanding how institutions shape social and economic life.

MARY C. BRINTON is associate professor of sociology at the University of Chicago.

VICTOR NEE is Goldwin Smith Professor of Sociology and chair of the Department of Sociology at Cornell University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Robert C. Ellickson, Jean Ensminger, Robert Feenstra, Robert H. Frank, Avner Greif, Gary G. Hamilton, Rosemary L. Hopcroft, Paul Ingram, Takehiko Kariya, Jack Knight, Eric Kostello, Douglas C. North, Alejandro Portes, Julia Sensenbrenner, Ivan Szelenyi, Bruce Western. 

"Brint and Schroedel's two volume series is, quite simply, an outstanding exploration of America's conservative Protestants and their interaction with democratic politics .... The essays tackle a wide range of issues: social movement theory, survey data on values and voting, historical development, the implications of partisan involvement, race, and much more .... There may not be a more informative 700 pages on the historical sociology of American evangelicals for many years to come."
-CANADIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"At a time when the discussion of religion in America has become increasingly polemical, this volume offers a refreshingly level-headed look at the evidence. Combining rigor with relevance, Evangelicals and Democracy in America sets the record straight on the influence evangelicals do, and do not, have on American politics. Evangelicals' apologists and critics alike will learn much from the analysis done by this illustrious group of scholars."
-DAVID E. CAMBELL, John Cardinal O'Hara, CSC Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Notre Dame

"An important, timely, wise, cool-headed appraisal of the evangelical influence on American politics, Evangelicals and Democracy in America draws on an impressive lineup of thinkers and approaches-political science, history, sociology, theology-to illuminate one of the vital themes of our time. Religion matters. These essays explore how and why."
-JAMES A. MORONE, chair and professor of political science, Brown University

Separation of church and state is a bedrock principal of American democracy, and so, too, is active citizen engagement. Since evangelicals comprise one of the largest and most vocal voting blocs in the United States, tensions and questions naturally arise. In the two-volume Evangelicals and Democracy in America, editors Steven Brint and Jean Reith Schroedel have assembled an authoritative collection of studies of the evangelical movement in America. Religion and Politics, the second volume of the set, focuses on the role of religious conservatives in party politics, the rhetoric evangelicals use to mobilize politically, and what the history of the evangelical movement reveals about where it may be going.

Part I of Religion and Politics explores the role of evangelicals in electoral politics. Contributor Pippa Norris looks at evangelicals around the globe and finds that religiosity is a strong predictor of ideological leanings in industrialized countries. But the United States remains one of only a handful of post-industrial societies where religion plays a significant role in partisan politics. Other chapters look at voting trends, especially the growing number of higher-income evangelicals among Republican ranks, how voting is influenced both by “values” and race, and the management of the symbols and networks behind the electoral system of moral-values politics. Part II of the volume focuses on the mobilizing rhetoric of the Christian Right. Nathaniel Klemp and Stephen Macedo show how the rhetorical strategies of the Christian Right create powerful mobilizing narratives, but frequently fail to build broad enough coalitions to prevail in the pluralistic marketplace of ideas. Part III analyzes the cycles and evolution of the Christian Right. Kimberly Conger looks at the specific circumstances that have allowed evangelicals to become dominant in some Republican state party committees but not in others. D. Michael Lindsay examines the “elastic orthodoxy” that has allowed evangelicals to evolve into a formidable social and political force. The final chapter by Clyde Wilcox presents a new framework for understanding the relationship between the Christian Right and the GOP based on the ecological metaphor of co-evolution.

With its companion volume on religion and society, this second volume of Evangelicals and Democracy in America offers the most complete examination yet of the social circumstances and political influence of the millions of Americans who are white evangelical Protestants. Understanding their history and prospects for the future is essential to forming a comprehensive picture of America today.

STEVEN BRINT is professor of sociology at the University of California, Riverside, director of the Colleges & Universities 2000 study, and associate dean of the College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences.

JEAN REITH SCHROEDEL is dean of the School of Politics and Policy at Claremont Graduate University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Steven Brint, Jean Reith Schroedel, Seth Abrutyn, Wayne Baker, Connie J. Boudens, Kimberly H. Conger, Andrew Greeley, Peter Dobkin Hall, Michael Hout, Julie Ingersoll, Nathaniel Klemp, D. Michael Lindsay, Stephen Macedo, Pippa Norris, Clyde Wilcox, and Rhys H. Williams.

"Brint and Schroedel's two volume series is, quite simply, an outstanding exploration of America's conservative Protestants and their interaction with democratic politics .... The essays tackle a wide range of issues: social movement theory, survey data on values and voting, historical development, the implications of partisan involvement, race, and much more .... There may not be a more informative 700 pages on the historical sociology of American evangelicals for many years to come."
-CANADIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"With all the smoke that has been blown on the subject matter of this book, it is especially gratifying to read the careful, patient, well-researched, and perceptive material offered here. The sociologists and political scientists assembled for this project are first rate; what they write may be, collectively, the wisest words yet published on the character of 'the new Christian right' and much else besides."
-MARK A. NOLL, Francis Al McAnaney Professor of History, University of Notre Dame

"From the first wave of the Moral Majority to the shifting tide of values voters, a generation of Evangelical engagement in American public life is now ready for reassessment. Cogent and careful, the critical conversation of these two volumes cuts through the trumpet calls and tinny clichés of culture wars with an orchestral account of manifold ideals and institutions in counterpoint. It lifts up underlying changes that run deep in the American grain of revival and reform, moral protest and populist politics, social mobility, and cultural assimilation into an ongoing argument over the public good. Bravo!"
-STEVEN M. TIPTON, Charles Howard Candler Professor of Sociology of Religion, Emory University

By the end of the nineteenth century, the vast majority of U.S. churches were evangelical in outlook and practice. America’s turn toward modernism and embrace of science in the early twentieth century threatened evangelicalism’s cultural prominence. But as confidence in modern secularism wavered in the 1960s and 1970s, evangelicalism had another great awakening. The two volumes of Evangelicals and Democracy in America trace the development and current role of evangelicalism in American social and political life. Volume I focuses on who evangelicals are today, how they relate to other groups, and what role they play in U.S. social institutions.

Part I of Religion and Society examines evangelicals’ identity and activism. Contributor Robert Wuthnow explores the identity built around the centrality of Jesus, church and community service, and the born-again experience. Philip Gorski explores the features of American evangelicalism and society that explain the recurring mobilization of conservative Protestants in American history. Part II looks at how evangelicals relate to other key groups in American society. Individual chapters delve into evangelicals’ relationship to other conservative religious groups, women and gays, African Americans, and mainline Protestants. These chapters show sources of both solidarity and dissension within the “traditionalist alliance” and the hidden strengths of mainline Protestants’ moral discourse. Part III examines religious conservatives’ influence on American social institutions outside of politics. W. Bradford Wilcox, David Sikkink, Gabriel Rossman, and Rogers Smith investigate evangelicals’ influence on families, schools, popular culture, and the courts, respectively. What emerges is a picture of American society as a consumer marketplace with a secular legal structure and an arena of pluralistic competition interpreting what constitutes the public good. These chapters show that religious conservatives have been shaped by these realities more than they have been able to shape them.

Evangelicals and Democracy in America, Volume I is one of the most comprehensive examinations ever of this important current in American life and serves as a corrective to erroneous popular representations. These meticulously balanced studies not only clarify the religious and social origins of evangelical mobilization, but also detail both the scope and limits of evangelicals’ influence in our society. This volume is the perfect complement to its companion in this landmark series, Evangelicals and Democracy in America, Volume II: Religion and Politics.

STEVEN BRINT is professor of sociology at the University of California, Riverside, director of the Colleges & Universities 2000 study, and associate dean of the College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences.

JEAN REITH SCHROEDEL is dean of the School of Politics and Policy at Claremont Graduate University.

CONTRIBUTORS: Steven Brint, Jean Reith Schroedel, Nancy T. Ammerman, Prudence L. Carter, John H. Evans, John C. Green, Philip S. Gorski, Michèle Lamont, Paul Lichterman, Jennifer Merolla, Gabriel Rossman, David Sikkink, Rogers M. Smith, Scott Waller, W. Bradford Wilcox, Robert Wuthnow.

Based on two national surveys, one of adults and one of secondary school students, this volume reports on respondents' experiences with and their attitudes toward standardized tests of intelligence. The authors analyze the relations between a person's beliefs about the nature of intelligence, his or her estimate of his or her own intelligence, attitudes concerning tests, and other personal characteristics.

ORVILLE G. BRIM, JR. is president of the Russell Sage Foundation and a sociologist.

DAVID C. GLASS is professor of psychology at New York University.

JOHN NEULINGER is assistant professor of psychology at City College of The City University of New York.

IRA J. FIRESTONE is assistant professor of psychology at Wayne State University.